Good Job with US Militaries help Iran solves software/hardware issues to produce its first drone: Let the drone wars begin.

I am a Design Engineer by trade although I have been retired for 12 years now I can tell
you when it comes to designing in hardware/software there is no better way of designing your own than by having a working example model in fact in industry I myself have disseminated competitors products so I wonder with such a backassward world we live in today if this technology wasn’t just laid at their doorstep on purpose my clues are mossad saying its a fact the president of Iran has been our best asset.
Well the chips will fall where they lie.

Repost presstv
Iran’s IRGC produces new 24-hour airborne drone: Cmdr.

Commander of Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) says Iran has produced an indigenous unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) with 24-hour nonstop flight capability.

“Shahed 129, which can carry out combat and reconnaissance missions with its 24-hour nonstop flight capability, is IRGC’s latest achievement in this field [producing drones],” IRGC Chief Major General Mohammad-Ali Ja’fari said on Sunday.

Armed with “Sadid” missiles, which are also designed by the IRGC, the pilotless aircraft can target long-distance targets, Ja’fari added.

In recent years, Iran has made great achievements in its defense sector and attained self-sufficiency in producing essential military equipment and systems.

Iran unveiled its first indigenous long-range drone, named Karrar, in August 2010. The aircraft is capable of carrying a military payload of rockets to carry out bombing missions against ground targets, flying long distances at a very high speed, and gathering information.

The IRGC employed Karrar drones during the Great Prophet Seven military drills in July 2012 to bomb mock enemy bases in the southeastern Lut Desert.

Referring to the US RQ-170 drone that was captured by the Iranian forces in late 2011, Ja’fari said the extracted information from the aircraft reveals that it had been spying on specific targets in Iran.

The US RQ-170 Sentinel stealth aircraft was downed, with minimal damage, by the Iranian Army’s electronic warfare unit on December 4, 2011, while flying over the Iranian city of Kashmar, some 140 miles (225 km) from the Afghan border.

The RQ-170 is an unmanned stealth aircraft designed and developed by the Lockheed Martin Company.


Saudi ambassador plot fabricated to frame Iran.

Folks it’s political season and both sides like to air the others dirty
Laundry so dirty laundry alert!

No information about plot exists within FBI channels Story came through
White house.

Paul Joseph Watson Prison Wednesday, October 13, 2011

Retired U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel Anthony Shaffer says that an FBI insider told him the dubious terror plot to assassinate a Saudi ambassador which has been blamed on Iran was likely manufactured by the Obama administration, because no information about the plot even exists within FBI channels.

The plot, an assassination attempt against Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to the United States, Adel al-Jubeir, was pinned on an Iranian-American used-car salesman from Texas and subsequently linked by the Obama administration to a wider conspiracy controlled by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps.

According to the administration, used car salesman Mansour J. Arbabsiar tried to hire assassins from a Mexican drug gang to carry out the murder, but the head of the drug gang turned out to be a DEA agent posing as a Mexican Los Zetas gangster. The story has all the hallmarks of classic FBI entrapment tactics that have characterized almost every major terror bust in recent times.

Having personally interrogated Iranians, Shaffer doubted the fact that members of the elite Quds Force would risk carrying out an assassination in the United States when it would be far easier to conduct such a plot in the middle east.

“It does not smell correctly,” Shaffer told Fox Business host Andrew Napolitano, adding that it was doubtful a successful used car salesman who has been part of the community for 15 years would suddenly become embroiled in an international assassination plot.

Asked by Napolitano if Arbabsiar was the victim of another FBI sting, Shaffer responded, “I think that’s part of it.”

“The FBI’s had a record lately and I did talk to one of my inside guys and he is saying he thinks the same thing, you know why, because he can’t find any real information and he’s got a clearance – so that tells him that there’s something going on that’s extraordinary by the fact that he’s an inside investigator, knows what’s going on and yet, I’m gonna quote here, ‘There’s nothing on this within the DOJ beyond what they’ve talked about publicly’ – which means to him that there’s something very wrong with it,” said Shaffer.

Even the New York Times is now reporting that the dubious nature of the plot has caused “a wave of puzzlement and skepticism from some foreign leaders and outside experts.”

The military-industrial complex has long been searching for a pretext that could be used to justify military strikes against Iran.

In a 2009 report entitled “Which Path to Persia?”, the elitist Brookings Institution wrote, “It would be far more preferable if the United States could cite an Iranian provocation as justification for the airstrikes before launching them. Clearly, the more outrageous, the more deadly, and the more unprovoked the Iranian action, the better off the United States would be.”

The dubious plot has been instantly seized upon by the likes of Hillary Clinton and John Kerry to push for Iran to be further isolated by the international community. Kerry’s comments were perhaps the most bellicose, telling reporters yesterday, “I don’t think anything should be taken off the table at this point in time.”

It has also served as a useful distraction for Attorney General Eric Holder, who is currently under investigation for his role in the infamous Fast and Furious program, which saw the federal government deliver thousands of military-grade weapons to leaders of Mexican drug gangs.

“That the current “alleged” plot pinned on Iran revolves around yet another undercover federal agency conducting a long-term sting operation defies belief,” writes Tony Cartalucci. “That we are expected to believe one of Iran’s most elite military forces left such a sensitive, potentially war-starting operation to a used-car salesman and a drug gang reported in the papers daily for its involvement with US government agencies (and who turns out to actually be undercover DEA agents) is so ridiculous it can only be “made up” as Secretary Clinton puts it. More accurately, it is the result of an impotent US intelligence community incapable of contriving anything more convincing in the face of an ever awakening American public, to bolster its morally destitute agenda. The cartoonish nature of the plot and the arms’ length even its proponents treat it with to maintain plausible deniability is indicative of a dangerously out of control ruling elite and an utterly incompetent, criminally insane government.”


Paul Joseph Watson is the editor and writer for Prison He is the author of Order Out Of Chaos. Watson is also a regular fill-in host for The Alex Jones Show.

Bobby was disbanding Operation 40 and start his own Operation Mongoose Allen Dullus already FIRED: CIA(disbanding) and Mafia(viscously attacked) team up take “head” brother JFK down.

John and Bobby was disbanding “Operation 40′ which had a long Violent history of Overthrowing
World leaders by assasinations. with Allen Dullus (banking family) head CIA in Charge John FIRED him!!!
John and Bobby planned to Shatter the CIA into a thousand pieces to the wind. Mafia was being viscously attacked Too in congress so Banking/CIA/MAFIA team up take “head” brother JFK down! Code named operation “The Big Event” By Orders of City of London Rothchild’s through Allen Dullus, and Chief of Special Operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff (banking skull n bonesman)
Leroy Fletcher Proudy Whom knew so much about elite groups!! And helped Allen Dullus ticket
back in on the warren commision?!

Bobby then had restarted Operation Mongoose a quieter more discreet version to get Castro. So
In the interest of saving their Job CIA and their Business Mafia And to save Rothchild’s Interest on US Money Federal Reserve Banking John had to go!!

The most Significant piece has to be John’s Return to treasury notes this means US is
not paying any interest on printing money so Lords of London will not let us have our sovereignty
go this easy. Rothchild gave word to his army CIA yes you heard that right see Eustace mullins
historian. CIA is a invention of city of london to pretect the federal reserve which is WHY
John was getting rid of it.

John and Bobby’s Obsession to get Castro was because he could be a headache for the coming
64′ Elections or so I hear.

Referance material: from Wikipedia just raw data:

Operation 40
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Operation 40 was a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored undercover operation in the early 1960s, which was active in the United States and the Caribbean (including Cuba), Central America, and Mexico. It was created by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in March 1960, after the January 1959 Cuban Revolution, and was presided over by Vice-president Richard Nixon. The group included Frank Sturgis (who would later become one of the Watergate burglars); Felix Rodriguez (a CIA officer who later was involved in the capture and summary execution of Che Guevara); Luis Posada Carriles (held in the US in 2010 on charges of illegal immigration, he is demanded by Venezuela for his key role in the execution of the 1976 Cubana Flight 455 bombing); Orlando Bosch (founder of the counterrevolutionary Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations, that organized the 1976 murder of Chilean former minister Orlando Letelier); Rafael ‘Chi Chi’ Quintero; Virgilio Paz Romero; Pedro Luis Diaz Lanz; Bernard Barker; Porter Goss; and Barry Seal. Members took part in the April 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion directed against the government of Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro.

Operation 40 had 86 employees in 1961, of which 37 were trained as case officers.
[hide] 1 Origins
2 Members
3 Operations
4 See also
5 Notes
6 Bibliography
7 External sources

On 11 December 1959, following the Cuban Revolution of January 1959, Colonel J.C. King, chief of the CIA’s Western Hemisphere Division, sent a confidential memorandum to CIA director Allen W. Dulles. King argued that in Cuba there existed a “far-left dictatorship, which if allowed to remain will encourage similar actions against U.S. holdings in other Latin American countries.”

As a result of this memorandum, Dulles established a ZR/RIFLE unit named Operation 40, from the “Group of 40” of the National Security Council group that followed Cuba. The group was presided over by then-Vice President Richard M. Nixon and included Admiral Arleigh Burke, Livingston Merchant of the State Department, National Security Adviser Gordon Gray, as well as Dulles himself.

Tracy Barnes functioned as operating office of the Cuban Task Force. He called a meeting on 18 January 1960, in his temporary office near the Lincoln Memorial. Those attending included David Atlee Phillips, Jacob ‘Jake’ Esterline, E. Howard Hunt, and Frank Bender (an alias of Gerry Droller), all of the CIA.[1][2][3] Barnes, Phillips, Esterline, Hunt, David Sanchez Morales and others had previously worked together in the 1954 overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala, organized by the CIA under the code-name Operation PBSUCCESS.

On 17 March 1960, President Eisenhower signed a National Security Council directive on the anti-Cuban covert action program authorizing the CIA to organize, train, and equip Cuban refugees as a guerrilla force to overthrow the government of Cuban prime minister Fidel Castro.

The group recruited former Batista-regime intelligence officers and mob henchmen such as Eladio del Valle and Rolando Masferrer, soldiers of fortune such as Frank Sturgis, and CIA case officers such as Col. William Bishop and David Sanchez Morales, who managed teams of assassins.[4]

Over the next few years Operation 40 worked closely with several anti-Castro Cuban organizations including Alpha 66, a US-supported Cuban paramilitary group that trained in the Everglades. CIA officials and agents such as William King Harvey, Thomas G. Clines, Porter Goss, Gerry Patrick Hemming, David Sanchez Morales, Carl Elmer Jenkins, Bernard Barker, William Robert Plumlee (“Tosh” Plumlee), and William C. Bishop also joined the project. (Later, Ted Shackley played a role, as CIA station-chief in Miami after the Bay of Pigs invasion.)

The individuals who composed Operation 40 had been selected in Miami, Florida by Jose Sanjenis Perdomo, former Chief of Police during Cuban President Carlos Prio’s regime. Operation 40 had 86 employees in 1961, of which 37 were trained as case officers. These included: Frank Sturgis, Felix Rodriguez, Antonio Veciana, Luis Posada Carriles, Orlando Bosch, Rafael ‘Chi Chi’ Quintero, Roland Masferrer, Eladio del Valle, Guillermo Novo, Carlos Bringuier, Eugenio Martinez (‘Musculito’), Antonio Cuesta, Hermino Diaz Garcia, Juan Manuel Salvat, Ricardo Morales Navarrete, Isidro Borjas, Virgilio Paz Romero, Jose Dionisio Suarez, Felipe Rivero, Gaspar ‘Gasparito’ Jimenez Escobedo, Nazario Sargent, Pedro Luis Diaz Lanz, Jose Basulto, Alvin Ross, Ricardo Morales Navarrete, Juan Manuel Salvat, (Cuban-American) Bernard Barker, and Paulino Sierra. Barry Seal may have flown for Operation 40.

A letter dated 8 February 1961 signed by Felipe Rodriguez of the CIA, lists the leaders and men of “la COMPANIA DE INTELIGENCIA Y RECONOCIMIENTO (Operacion-40)”. This letter also has names and information as to member status of death, prison, of various Bay of Pigs Invasion participants. (Letter obtained from Brigade 2506 Headquarters.)[5] Among the names listed are: Jose Manuel Alvarez Pascual, Rafael D. Arce Godinez, Enrique Jose Casares Blanco, Miguel Cossio (Cosio Rosales), Arsenio Felipe De Diego Aday, Carlos Alberto De Diego Aday, Alberto J. Farinas Alzugaray (Alzagaray), Jorge Luis Fernandez Lopez Callejas, Federico M. Flaquer (Flagler) Carballar, Mario Fuentes Macias, Héctor A. de Lamar Maza, Mario Luis de Lamar Maza, Vicente Leon Leon, Fernando J. Milanes Morales, Ramon Eduardo Pages Morales, Carlos Pascual Noriega, Eddy Perez, Ramon Perez Veitia (Veytia), Ramon Pla Perez, Pedro Salvador Puig Gomez, Jose Manuel (‘Manolo’) Reboso (Reposo) Bello, Felipe Rodriguez, and Rogelio ZAYAS Bazan Loret de Mola.[6]

On 4 March 1960, La Coubre, a ship flying a Belgian flag, exploded in Havana Bay. It was loaded with arms and ammunition that had been sent to the armed forces of the post-revolution government of Cuba. A second bomb was set nearby and timed to go off later – to kill the volunteers attempting to rescue the (primarily civilian) victims of the first explosion. The explosions killed 75 people and over 200 were injured.[1] Fabian Escalante, an officer of the Cuban Department of State Security (G-2), later claimed that this was the first successful act carried out by Operation 40.[citation needed] Operation 40 was not only involved in sabotage operations. One member, Frank Sturgis, allegedly told author Mike Canfield: “this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents…We were concentrating strictly in Cuba at that particular time.” The group sought to incite civil war in Cuba against the government of prime minister Fidel Castro. “In October 1960, they realize that this project has failed, and that is when Brigade 2506” was created, a CIA-sponsored group made up of 1,511 Cuban exiles who fought in the April 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion.

The group played a major role in the invasion. “The first news that we have of Operation 40 is a statement made by a mercenary of the Bay of Pigs who was the chief of military intelligence of the invading brigade and whose name was Jose Raúl de Varona Gonzalez,” writes Escalante. “In his statement this man said the following: in the month of March 1961, around the seventh, Mr. Vicente Leon arrived at the base in Guatemala at the head of some 53 men saying that he had been sent by the office of Mr. Joaquin Sanjenis, Chief of Civilian Intelligence, with a mission he said was called Operation 40. It was a special group that didn’t have anything to do with the brigade and which would go in the rearguard occupying towns and cities. His prime mission was to take over the files of intelligence agencies, public buildings, banks, industries, and capture the heads and leaders in all of the cities and interrogate them. Interrogate them in his own way”.

On 17 April 1961, Vicente Leon Leon, with other members of Operation 40, landed at the Bay of Pigs via the CIA-chartered freighter Atlantico. He was killed in action.[7][8] Other members are reported on the freighter Lake Charles that retreated without landing any attackers.[9]

In a 9 June 1961 memorandum[10] to Richard Goodwin, historian and Kennedy advisor Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. wrote: “Sam Halper, who has been the New York Times correspondent in Havana and more recently in Miami, came to see me last week. He has excellent contracts among the Cuban exiles…. Halper says that CIA set up something called Operation 40 under the direction of a man named (as he recalled) Captain Luis Sanjenis, who was also chief of intelligence…. But the CIA agent in charge, a man known as Felix, trained the members of the group in methods of third degree interrogation, torture and general terrorism. The liberal Cuban exiles believe that the real purpose of Operation 40 was to ‘kill Communists’ and, after eliminating hard-core Fidelistas, to go on to eliminate first the followers of Ray, then the followers of Varona and finally to set up a right wing dictatorship, presumably under Manuel Artime…. The exiles believe that all these things had CIA approval…. Nice fellows.” Halper actually worked for Time, not the NY Times.

See also
Cuba portal

Bay of Pigs Invasion (1961)
E. Howard Hunt (1918–2007)
David Atlee Phillips (1922–1988)
Felix Rodriguez (b.1941–)
Richard M. Bissell, Jr. (1909–1994)
Frank Sturgis (1924–1993)
Guillermo Hernández-Cartaya (b.1932–)
CIA Kennedy assassination conspiracy theory
Porter Goss (b.1938–)
Barry Seal (1939–1986)
Zapata Corporation
Cuban Project (Operation Mongoose 1961–)
Echo 31 (Operation Hawkeye 1965-)
Watergate scandal (1972)
Cuban Power

1.^ a b Escalante (1995)
2.^ Furiati (1995), pp.14-15
3.^ Fonzi (1993), p.415
4.^ Mahoney p 174-175; HSCA staff reports
5.^ Cuban Information Archives Document 0034 Explanation of the BOP Name List
6.^ Cuban Information Archives Document 0035 List of Participants of the Bay of Pigs Invasion
7.^ Rodriguez (1999), p.153
8.^ Fernandez (1999), p.100
9.^ Cuban Information Archives Document 0042 Chronology of Military Operations
10.^ Cuban Information Archives Document 0355

Bohning, Don. 2005. The Castro Obsession: U.S. Covert Operations Against Cuba, 1959-1965. p. 303 ISBN 1-57488-676-2
Dankbaar, Wim. 2005. Files on JFK: Interviews with Confessed Assassin James E. Files, and More New Evidence of the Conspiracy That Killed JFK. ISBN 0-9794063-1-5
Escalante, Fabian. 1995. The Secret War: CIA Covert Operations Against Cuba, 1959–62. ISBN 1-875284-86-9
Fernandez, Jose Ramon. 1999,2001. Playa Giron/Bay of Pigs: Washington’s First Military Defeat in the Americas. Pathfinder ISBN 0-87348-925-X ISBN 9780873489256
Fonzi, Gaeton. 1993. The Last Investigation. ISBN 1-56025-052-6
Furiati, Claudia. ZR Rifle: Plot to Kill Kennedy and Castro. Ocean Press. ISBN 1-875284-85-0
Gyeorgos Ceres Hatonn. Tangled Webs Vol.I p. 73
Rodriguez, Juan Carlos. 1999. Bay of Pigs and the CIA. Ocean Press Melbourne. ISBN 1-875284-98-2
Russell, Dick. 2003. The Man Who Knew Too Much: Hired to Kill Oswald and Prevent the Assassination of JFK
Scott, PD and Marshall, J. 1998. Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America
U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary. 1974. Statement of Information: Hearings Before the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives. “specially trained to capture documents of the Castro government”
Operation Mongoose
The Cuban Project

Operation Mongoose Memorandum
October 4, 1962
First page of a meeting report

Agency overview
The Cuban Project (also known as Operation Mongoose or the Special Group Augmented) was a program of Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) covert operations developed during the early years of the administration of President of the United States John F. Kennedy. On November 30, 1961 aggressive covert operations against the communist government of Fidel Castro in Cuba were authorized by President Kennedy. The operation was led by Air Force General Edward Lansdale and went into effect after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion.

Operation Mongoose was a secret program of propaganda, psychological warfare, and sabotage against Cuba to remove the communists from power, which was a prime focus of the Kennedy administration, according to Harvard historian Jorge Domínguez.[1] A document from the US Department of State confirms that the project aimed to “help Cuba overthrow the Communist regime”, including its leader Fidel Castro, and it aimed “for a revolt which can take place in Cuba by October 1962”. US policy makers also wanted to see “a new government with which the United States can live in peace”.[2]

1 Origins
2 Planning
3 Execution
4 Assassination proposals
5 Legacy
6 References
7 External links
8 See also


After the Cuban Revolution, and the rise of communism under Fidel Castro, the United States government was determined to undercut the integrity of the socialist revolution and install in its place a government more in line with US philosophy. A special committee was formed to search for ways to overthrow Castro when the Bay of Pigs Invasion failed. The committee became part of the Kennedy imperative to keep a tough line on communism especially as it, Cuba, was the nearest communist country.

It was based on the estimation of the US government that coercion inside Cuba was severe and that the regime was serving as a spearhead for allied communist movements elsewhere in the Americas.[3]


The United States Department of Defense Joint Chiefs of Staff saw the project’s ultimate objective to be to provide adequate justification for a US military intervention in Cuba. They requested that the Secretary of Defense assign them responsibility for the project, but the Attorney General Robert Kennedy retained effective control.

Mongoose was led by Edward Lansdale in the Defense Department and William King Harvey at the CIA. Lansdale was chosen due to his experience with counter-insurgency in the Philippines during the Huk Rebellion, and also due to his experience supporting the Diem regime in Vietnam. Samuel Halpern, a CIA co-organizer, conveyed the breadth of involvement: “CIA and the US Army and military forces and Department of Commerce, and Immigration, Treasury, God knows who else — everybody was in Mongoose. It was a government-wide operation run out of Bobby Kennedy’s office with Ed Lansdale as the mastermind.”[4]

33 plans were considered under the Cuban Project, some of which were carried out. The plans varied in efficacy and intention, from propagandistic purposes to effective disruption of the Cuban government and economy. Plans included the use of American Green Berets, destruction of Cuban sugar crops, and mining of harbors.

Operation Northwoods was a 1962 plan, which was signed by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara for approval, that intended to use false flag operations to justify intervention in Cuba. Among things considered were real and simulated attacks which would be blamed on the Cuban government. These would have involved attacking, or reporting fake attacks on Cuban exiles, US military targets, Cuban civilian aircraft, and development of a terror campaign on US soil.[2]

The Cuban Project played a significant role in the events leading up to the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. The Project’s six-phase schedule was presented by counter-insurgency specialist Air Force General Edward Lansdale on February 20, 1962; it was overseen by Attorney-General Robert Kennedy. President John F. Kennedy was briefed on the operation guidelines on March 16, 1962. Lansdale outlined the coordinated program of political, psychological, military, sabotage, and intelligence operations as well as assassination attempts on key political leaders. Each month since his presentation, a different method was in place to destabilize the communist regime, including the publishing of views against Fidel Castro, armaments for militant opposition groups, the establishment of guerilla bases throughout the country and preparations for an October military intervention in Cuba. Many individual plans were devised by the CIA to assassinate Castro. Plans to discredit Castro in the eyes of the Cuban public included contaminating his clothing with thallium salts that would make his trademark beard fall out and spraying a broadcasting studio with hallucinogens before a televised speech. Assassination plots included poisoning a box of Castro’s favorite cigars with botulinus toxin and placing explosive seashells in his favorite diving spots.[5]

The CIA operation was based in Miami, Florida and among its other aspects enlisted the help of the Mafia (who were eager to regain their Cuban casino operations) to plot an assassination attempt against Castro; William Harvey was one of the CIA case officers who directly dealt with the mafioso John Roselli.[6]

Professor of History Stephen Rabe writes that “scholars have understandably focused on…the Bay of Pigs invasion, the US campaign of terrorism and sabotage known as Operation Mongoose, the assassination plots against Fidel Castro, and, of course, the Cuban missile crisis. Less attention has been given to the state of US-Cuban relations in the aftermath of the missile crisis.” Rabe writes that reports from the Church Committee reveal that from June 1963 onward, the Kennedy administration intensified its war against Cuba while the CIA integrated propaganda, “economic denial”, and sabotage to attack the Cuban state as well as specific targets within.[7] One example cited is an incident where CIA agents, seeking to assassinate Castro, provided a Cuban official, Rolando Cubela Secades, with a ballpoint pen rigged with a poisonous hypodermic needle.[7] At this time the CIA received authorization for 13 major operations in Cuba, including attacks on an electric power plant, an oil refinery, and a sugar mill.[7] Rabe has observed that the “Kennedy administration… showed no interest in Castro’s repeated request that the United States cease its campaign of sabotage and terrorism against Cuba. Kennedy did not pursue a dual-track policy toward Cuba…. The United States would entertain only proposals of surrender.” Rabe further documents how “Exile groups, such as Alpha 66 and the Second Front of Escambray, staged hit-and-run raids on the island… on ships transporting goods…purchased arms in the United States and launched…attacks from the Bahamas.”[7]

Harvard Historian Jorge Domínguez states that the scope of Mongoose included sabotage actions against a railway bridge, petroleum storage facilities, a molasses storage container, a petroleum refinery, a power plant, a sawmill, and a floating crane. Domínguez states that “only once in [the] thousand pages of documentation did a US official raise something that resembled a faint moral objection to US government sponsored terrorism.”[1] Actions were subsequently carried out against a petroleum refinery, a power plant, a sawmill, and a floating crane in a Cuban harbour.


The Cuban Project was originally designed to culminate in October 1962 with an “open revolt and overthrow of the Communist regime.” This was at the peak of the Cuban Missile crisis, where the United States and the Soviet Union came alarmingly close to nuclear war over the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba. The operation was suspended on October 30, 1962, but 3 of 10 six-man sabotage teams had already been deployed to Cuba.

Dominguez writes that Kennedy put a hold on Mongoose actions as the Cuban Missile Crisis escalated, but “returned to its policy of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba as the confrontation with the Soviet Union lessened.”[1] However, Noam Chomsky has argued that “terrorist operations continued through the tensest moments of the missile crisis”, remarking that “they were formally canceled on October 30, several days after the Kennedy and Khrushchev agreement, but went on nonetheless”. Accordingly, “the Executive Committee of the National Security Council recommended various courses of action, “including ‘using selected Cuban exiles to sabotage key Cuban installations in such a manner that the action could plausibly be attributed to Cubans in Cuba’ as well as ‘sabotaging Cuban cargo and shipping, and [Soviet] Bloc cargo and shipping to Cuba.”[8]

Assassination proposals

Many assassination ideas were floated by the CIA during Operation Mongoose.[9] The most infamous was the CIA’s alleged plot to capitalize on Castro’s well-known love of cigars by slipping into his supply a very real and lethal “exploding cigar.”[10][11][12][13][14] While numerous sources state the exploding cigar plot as fact, at least one source asserts it to be simply a myth,[15] and another, mere supermarket tabloid fodder.[16] Another suggests that the story does have its origins in the CIA, but that it was never seriously proposed by them as a plot. Rather, the plot was made up by the CIA as an intentionally “silly” idea to feed to those questioning them about their plans for Castro, in order to deflect scrutiny from more serious areas of inquiry.[17]

Other plots to assassinate Castro that are ascribed to the CIA include, among others: poisoning his cigars[18] (a box of the lethal smokes was actually prepared and delivered to Havana[19]); exploding seashells to be planted at a scuba diving site;[20] a gift diving wetsuit impregnated with noxious bacteria[20] and mould spores,[21] or with lethal chemical agents; infecting Castro’s scuba regulator apparatus with tuberculous bacilli; dousing his handkerchiefs, his tea, and his coffee with other lethal bacteria;[22] having a former lover slip him poison pills;[20][22] and exposing him to various other poisoned items such as a fountain pen and even ice cream.[9] The CIA even tried to embarrass Castro by attempting to sneak thallium salts, a potent depilatory, into Castro’s shoes, causing “his beard, eyebrows, and pubic hair to fall out”.[23] The US Senate’s Church Committee of 1975 stated that it had confirmed at least eight separate CIA run plots to assassinate Castro.[24] Fabian Escalante, who was long tasked with protecting the life of Castro, contends that there have been 638 separate CIA assassination schemes or attempts on Castro’s life.[22]

In March 1960 author Ian Fleming met John F. Kennedy at a dinner through a mutal friend where he proposed several schemes to discredit Castro.[25][26]


The Cuban Project, as with the earlier Bay of Pigs invasion, is widely acknowledged as an American policy failure against Cuba. According to Noam Chomsky in 1989, Operation Mongoose “won the prize for the largest operation of international terrorism in the world.” According to the author, it had a budget of $ 50 million per year, employing 2,500 people including about 500 Americans, and still remained secret for 14 years, from 1961 to 1975. It was revealed in part by the Church Commission in the U.S. Senate and in part “by good investigative journalism.” “Here is a terrorist operation that could trigger a nuclear conflict” (because of operations during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962). He said that “it is possible that the operation is still ongoing [1989], but it certainly lasted throughout all the 70’s.”[27]


1.^ a b c Domínguez, Jorge I. “The @#$%& Missile Crisis (Or, What was ‘Cuban’ about US Decisions during the Cuban Missile Crisis.Diplomatic History: The Journal of the Society for Historians of Foreign Relations, Vol. 24, No. 2, (Spring 2000): 305-15.)
2.^ US Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States 1961-1963, Volume X Cuba, 1961-1962 Washington, DC [1])
3.^ Michael Grow. “Cuba, 1961”. U.S. Presidents and Latin American Interventions: Pursuing Regime Change in the Cold War. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 2008. 42.
4.^ James G. Blight, and Peter Kornbluh, eds., Politics of Illusion: The Bay of Pigs Invasion Reexamined. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999, 125)
5.^ “Castro: Profile of the great survivor”. BBC News. 2008-02-19. Retrieved 2010-04-30.
6.^ Jack Anderson (1971-01-18). “6 Attempts to Kill Castro Laid to CIA”. The Washington Post.
7.^ a b c d Stephen G. Rabe -Presidential Studies Quarterly. Volume: 30. Issue: 4. 2000,714
8.^ Chomsky, Noam. Hegemony or Survival: America’s Quest for Global Dominance, Henry Holt and Company, 80.
9.^ a b Stewart Brewer and Michael LaRosa (2006). Borders and Bridges: A History of US-Latin American Relations. Westport, Ct.: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 123. ISBN 0-275-98204-1.
10.^ Malcolm Chandler and John Wright (2001). Modern World History. Oxford: Heinemann Education Publishers. p. 282. ISBN 0-435-31141-7.
11.^ Joseph J. Hobbs, Christopher L. Salter (2006). Essentials Of World Regional Geography (5th Ed. ed.). Toronto: Thomson Brooks/Cole. p. 543. ISBN 0-534-46600-1.
12.^ Derek Leebaert (2006). The Fifty-year Wound: How America’s Cold War Victory Shapes Our World. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. p. 302. ISBN 0-316-51847-6.
13.^ Fred Inglis (2002). The People’s Witness: The Journalist in Modern Politics. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. p. 223. ISBN 0-300-09327-6.
14.^ BBC News (2008-02-19). “Castro: Profile of the great survivor”. Retrieved 2008-06-03.
15.^ David Hambling (2005). Weapons Grade: How Modern Warfare Gave Birth to Our High-Tech World. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers. p. 391. ISBN 0-7867-1769-6.
16.^ Charles R. Morris (1984). A Time of Passion: America, 1960-1980. New York: Harper & Row. p. 210. ISBN 0-06-039023-9.
17.^ Lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann (2005). Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy, the Plan for a Coup in Cuba, and the Murder of JFK. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers. p. 409. ISBN 0-7867-1832-3.
18.^ Lucien S. Vandenbroucke (1993). Perilous Options: Special Operations as an Instrument of US Foreign Policy. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 30. ISBN 0-19-504591-2.
19.^ Charles Schudson (1992). Watergate in American Memory: How We Remember, Forget, and Reconstruct the Past. New York: Basic Books. p. 45. ISBN 0-465-09084-2.
20.^ a b c Ted Shackley and Richard A. Finney (1992). Spymaster: my life in the CIA. Dulles, Virginia: Potomac Books, Inc.. p. 57. ISBN 1-57488-915-X.
21.^ Fidel Castro and Ignacio Ramonet (2008). Fidel Castro: My Life: a Spoken Autobiography. Washington D.C.: Simon and Schuster. p. 262. ISBN 1-4165-5328-2.
22.^ a b c Campbell, Duncan (April 3 2006). “638 ways to kill Castro”. London: The Guardian Unlimited. Retrieved 2006-05-28.
23.^ “If at First You Don’t Succeed: Killing Castro”. Retrieved 2011-04-09.
24.^ Gus Russo (1998). Live by the Sword: The Secret War Against Castro and the Death of JFK. Baltimore: Bancroft Press. p. 83. ISBN 1-890862-01-0.
25.^ p.323 Pearson, John The Life of Ian Fleming Cape, 1966
26.^ p.178 Comentale, Edward P.; Watt, Stephen & Willman, Skip Ian Fleming & James Bond: The Cultural Politics of 007 Indiana University Press, 2005
27.^ Noam Chomsky, Peter Mitchell, Understanding Power, 2002, The New Press

External links
[3] Operation Mongoose: The Cuba Project, Cuban History Archive, 20 Feb 1962.
[4] The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962, The National Security Archive.
[5] Meeting with the Attorney General of the United States Concerning Cuba, CIA minutes, 19 January 1962.
[6] Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba, Joint Chiefs of Staff, 13 March 1962.
[7] Minutes of Meeting of the Special Group on Operation Mongoose, 4 October 1962.
[8] CIA Inspector General’s Report on Plots to Assassinate Fidel Castro, CIA Historical Review Program, 23 May 1967. (HTML version)
[9] Cuba: Lost in the Shadows, documentary trailer.
Leroy Fletcher Prouty
My Preface:
I believe believe this is our man!He deflects attention to Edward Geary Lansdale as the one whom planned it?!
YeS! Mr Prouty is a Skull an Bones Member at Yale and gets a degree in Banking
is so knowledable about a Elite groups that Either he really is involved or he really
does know Rothchild’s conections but my Guess is this is Allen Dullus Ticket BACK in to

Leroy Fletcher Prouty (January 24, 1917 – June 5, 2001) served as Chief of Special Operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff under President John F. Kennedy. A former colonel in the United States Air Force, he retired from military service to become a banker, and subsequently became a critic of U.S. foreign policy, particularly the covert activities of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) about which he had considerable insider knowledge. Prouty, along with Richard Case Nagell, was the inspiration for the character “Mr. X” in Oliver Stone’s movie JFK.[1]

[hide] 1 Education
2 World War II
3 Post-war years
4 Post retirement
5 Controversial claims
6 References
7 External links

Prouty was a graduate of Massachusetts State College in 1941 with a Bachelor’s degree. He later graduated from the University of Wisconsin Graduate School of Banking in 1968.

World War II
He began his military career with the 4th Armored Division in Pine Camp, New York. He transferred to the United States Army Air Forces in 1942 earning his Pilot’s wings in November. He arrived in British West Africa in February 1943 as a pilot with Air Transport Command.

In the summer of 1943 he was the personal pilot of General Omar Bradley, General John C. H. Lee and General C. R. Smith (Founder and President – American Airlines), among others. He flew the U.S. Geological Survey Team in Saudi Arabia, October 1943, to confirm oil discoveries in preparation for the Cairo Conference. He was assigned to special duties at the Cairo Conference and the Tehran Conference November–December 1943. He flew Chiang Kai-shek’s Chinese delegation (T. V. Soong’s delegates) to Tehran.

An important mission he was involved in was the evacuation of the British commandos made famous by the novel Guns of Navarone involved in the Battle of Leros from Leros to Palestine. In 1945 he transferred to Southwest Pacific and flew in New Guinea, Leyte and was on Okinawa at the end of war. He landed near Tokyo at the time of their surrender with the first three planes carrying General Douglas MacArthur’s bodyguard troops. He flew out with American POWs.

Post-war years

Between 1946–49 he was assigned by the U.S. Army to Yale University, where he also taught, to begin the first USAF ROTC program. From 1950–52 he transferred to Colorado Springs to establish Air Defense Command. From 1952–54 he was assigned to Korean War duties in Japan where he served as Military Manager for Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during the US Occupation.

From 1955–1964 he was assigned to U.S. Air Force Headquarters where he directed the creation of an Air Force worldwide system for “Military Support of the Clandestine Operations of the CIA”, as required by a new National Security Council Directive, 5412 of March, 1954. As a result of a CIA Commendation for this work he was awarded the Legion of Merit by the US Air Force, and was promoted to Colonel being assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense.

With the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency by Secretary McNamara and the abolishment of the OSO, he was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to create a similar, worldwide office and was the Chief of Special Operations, with the Joint Staff all during 1962–1963. He received orders to travel as the Military Escort officer for a group of VIPs who were being flown to the South Pole, November 10–28, 1963, to activate a nuclear power plant for heat, light and sea water desalination at the United States Navy Base at McMurdo Sound, Antarctica.

Retiring as a Colonel in the U.S. Air Force in 1964 he was awarded one of the first three Joint Chiefs of Staff Commendation Medals by General Maxwell D. Taylor, Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Post retirement

He was a Senior Director of Public Affairs for Amtrak during the 1970s, and a director of the National Railroad Foundation and Museum. Prouty authored books including The Secret Team: The CIA and Its Allies in Control of the United States and the World and JFK: The CIA, Vietnam and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy and numerous articles on railroads including the entries on Railroad Engineering and Foreign Railroad Technology for McGraw-Hill’s encyclopedias.

Prouty served as an advisor to Oliver Stone’s movie JFK and was the inspiration for the mysterious “X” who is based on him as well, played by Donald Sutherland, who assists Jim Garrison in the movie.

Controversial claims

As a critic of the CIA, Prouty pointed out its influence in global matters, outside the realm of U.S. congressional and government oversight. His works detail the formation and development of the CIA, the origins of the Cold War, the U-2 incident, the Vietnam War, and the John F. Kennedy assassination. Prouty has written that he believes Kennedy’s assassination was a coup d’etat, and that there is a secret, global “power elite,” which operates covertly to protect its interests—and in doing so has frequently subverted democracy around the world.[1]

Prouty subscribed to the theory that oil is not derived from fossils but from carbon deposits deep within the Earth (abiogenic petroleum origin theory).[citation needed]

Prouty said that “it would not surprise me if this was a Secret Team operation” in response to the death of Princess Diana.[2]

Prouty asserted that World War II could easily have been concluded with neither the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki nor the invasion of Japan whose obviation was the ostensible justification for those bombings.[3]

Prouty presented “a quartet of the greatest propaganda schemes ever put forth by man” that included Darwin’s theory of evolution and Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle.[4]

While working for the Church of Scientology, Prouty told Scientology leaders that L. Ron Hubbard’s military discharge papers were “sheep dipped,” meaning two sets of government records were created documenting Hubbard’s service. The claim came to light when a Lawrence Wright expose’ on the subject revealed that official government documents contained no mention of any injury suffered by Hubbard during his service, injuries Hubbard claimed were later healed through Dianetics. Prouty’s assertion is of particular importance to Scientologists; had there been no injury to Hubbard, a cure of such injuries by use of Dianetics would have been impossible, and thus the foundational claim of Scientology would be undermined.[5]


1.^ a b JFK: The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy. Skyhorse Publishing. November 2009.
2.^ Col. Prouty (JFK’s Mr. X) & Diana’s Accident
3.^ L. Fletcher Prouty, The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy, Skyhorse Publishing (2009), p. 23.
4.^ L. Fletcher Prouty, The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy, Skyhorse Publishing (2009), p. 2.

External links
United States Air Force portal

Arlington Cemetery’s Biography
Obituary from The Guardian
The Secret Team by L. Fletcher Prouty
“The Guns of Dallas” by L. Fletcher Prouty
“L. Fletcher Prouty: Fearless Truth Teller, or Crackpot?”, a critical view of Prouty by John McAdams
The JFK 100: The mystery man, “X”

Allen Welsh Dulles
5th Director of Central Intelligence

In office
February 26, 1953 – November 29, 1961
Dwight D. Eisenhower
John F. Kennedy

Preceded by
Walter Bedell Smith
Succeeded by
John A. McCone

Personal details
April 7, 1893
Watertown, New York

January 29, 1969 (aged 75)
Georgetown, D.C.

Clover Todd

Allen Macy Dulles, Jr.

Alma mater
Princeton University

Allen Welsh Dulles (April 7, 1893 – January 29, 1969) was an American diplomat, lawyer, banker, and public official who became the first civilian and the longest-serving (1953–1961) Director of Central Intelligence (de facto head of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency) and a member of the Warren Commission. Between stints of government service, Dulles was a corporate lawyer and partner at Sullivan & Cromwell. His older brother, John Foster Dulles, was the Secretary of State during the Eisenhower Administration.

1 Early life and family
2 Early career and war years
3 CIA career 3.1 Involvement in coups against governments of Iran and Guatemala
3.2 Sabotage against Cuba: Operation 40

4 Later life
5 In the media
6 See also
7 References
8 Bibliography
9 External links

Early life and family

Allen Dulles was born on April 7, 1893, in Watertown, New York[1], and grew up in a family where public service was valued and world affairs were a common topic of discussion. Dulles was one of five children born to Presbyterian minister Allen Macy Dulles and his wife Edith (Foster). He was five years younger than his brother John Foster Dulles, Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Secretary of State and chairman and senior partner of Sullivan & Cromwell, and two years older than his sister, diplomat Eleanor Lansing Dulles. His maternal grandfather was John W. Foster, who was Secretary of State under Benjamin Harrison. His paternal grandfather, John Welch Dulles, had been a Presbyterian missionary in China. His uncle (by marriage), Robert Lansing, was also a U.S. Secretary of State.[2] His nephew, Avery Dulles, was a Roman Catholic cardinal, Jesuit priest, and noted theologian who taught at Fordham University.

Dulles graduated from Princeton University, where he participated in the American Whig-Cliosophic Society[3], and entered the diplomatic service in 1916. When Dulles was serving in Switzerland, he was responsible for reviewing and rejecting Vladimir Lenin’s application for a visa to the United States.[citation needed] In 1920 he married Clover Todd, daughter of a Columbia University professor; their only son, Allen Macy Dulles Jr., was wounded and permanently disabled in the Korean War when a mortar fragment penetrated his brain.

In 1921 while at the US Embassy in Istanbul, Dulles exposed the infamous Protocols of the Elders of Zion as a forgery, providing the story to The Times of London. The article was reprinted in The New York Times.[4] In 1926 he earned a law degree from George Washington University Law School and took a job at the New York firm where his brother, John Foster Dulles, was a partner. He became a director of the Council on Foreign Relations in 1927, the first new director since the Council’s foundation in 1921. He was the Council’s secretary from 1933 to 1944.[5]

Early career and war years

After Dulles graduated from college, he became a diplomat, and while posted in various European countries he gathered intelligence information. In the 1920s, he served five years as chief of the Near East division of the United States Department of State. From time to time during the late 1920s and early 1930s, he served as legal adviser to the delegation on arms limitation at the League of Nations. There he had the opportunity to meet with Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Maxim Litvinov, and the leaders of Britain and France.[6][page needed] In 1935 Dulles returned from a business trip to Germany appalled by the Nazi treatment of German Jews, and despite his brother’s objections, led a movement within the law firm of Sullivan and Cromwell to close their Berlin office.[7][8] As a result of Dulles’ efforts, the Berlin office was closed and the firm ceased to conduct business within Nazi Germany.[9]

As the Republican Party began to divide into isolationist and interventionist factions, Dulles became an outspoken interventionist, running unsuccessfully in 1938 for the Republican nomination in the Sixteenth Congressional District of New York on a platform calling for a strengthening of U.S. defenses.[9] Dulles collaborated with Hamilton Fish Armstrong, the editor of Foreign Affairs magazine, on two books, Can We Be Neutral? (1936), and Can America Stay Neutral? (1939). They concluded that diplomatic, military, and economic isolation, in a traditional sense, were no longer possible in an increasingly interdependent international system.[10][page needed] Dulles helped a number of German Jews, such as the banker Paul Kemper, escape to the United States from Nazi Germany.[11]

Dulles was transferred to Bern, Switzerland, where he lived at Herrengasse 23 for the duration of World War II. As Swiss Director of the U.S. Office of Strategic Services[1], Dulles worked on intelligence regarding German plans and activities, and established wide contacts with German émigrés, resistance figures, and anti-Nazi intelligence officers. He was assisted in intelligence-gathering activities by a German emigrant named Gero von Schulze-Gaevernitz. Dulles also received valuable information from Fritz Kolbe, a German diplomat. Kolbe supplied secret documents regarding active German spies and plans regarding the Messerschmitt Me 262 jet fighter. In 1945, Dulles played a central role in negotiations leading to the unconditional capitulation of German troops in Italy.[citation needed]

Although Washington barred Dulles from making firm commitments to the plotters of the 20 July 1944 attempt to assassinate Hitler, the conspirators nonetheless gave him reports on developments in Germany, including sketchy but accurate warnings of plans for Hitler’s V-1 and V-2 missiles.[citation needed]

Dulles was involved in Operation Sunrise, secret negotiations in March 1945 to arrange a local surrender of German forces in northern Italy. After the war in Europe, Dulles served for six months as the Office of Strategic Services Berlin station chief, and later as station chief in Bern.[citation needed]

CIA career

The Office of Strategic Services was dissolved in October 1945 and its functions transferred to the State and War Departments. The Central Intelligence Agency was created by Congress with the passage of the National Security Act of 1947, signed into law by President Harry S. Truman. Rear Admiral Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter was the first Director.

In the 1948 Presidential election, Dulles was chief advisor to Republican nominee Thomas E. Dewey. The Dulles brothers and James Forrestal helped form the Office of Policy Coordination. In 1953, Dulles became the first civilian CIA director.

The Agency’s covert operations were an important part of the Eisenhower administration’s new Cold War national security policy known as the “New Look”. Under Dulles’ direction, the CIA created MK-Ultra, a top secret mind control research project which was managed by Sidney Gottlieb. Dulles also personally oversaw Operation Mockingbird, a program which influenced foreign and domestic media companies.[citation needed]

At Dulles’ request, President Eisenhower demanded that Senator Joseph McCarthy discontinue issuing subpoenas against the CIA. In March 1950, McCarthy had initiated a series of investigations into potential communist subversion of the Agency. Although none of the investigations revealed any wrongdoing, the hearings were still potentially damaging, not only to the CIA’s reputation but also to the security of sensitive information. Documents made public in 2004 revealed that the CIA, under Dulles’ orders, had broken into McCarthy’s Senate office and also intentionally fed disinformation to him in order to discredit him, in order to stop his investigation of communism infiltrators of the CIA. [12]

In the early 1950s, the United States Air Force conducted a competition for a new photo reconnaissance aircraft. Lockheed Aircraft Corporation’s Skunk Works submitted a design number called the CL-282, which married sailplane-like wings to the body of a supersonic interceptor. This aircraft was rejected by the Air Force, but several of the civilians on the review board took notice, and Edwin Land presented a proposal for the aircraft to Dulles. The aircraft became what is known as the U-2 ‘spy plane’, and it was initially operated by CIA pilots. Its introduction into operational service in 1957 greatly enhanced the CIA’s ability to monitor Soviet activity through overhead photo surveillance. The aircraft eventually entered service with the Air Force.[citation needed] The Soviet Union captured a U-2 in 1960 during Dulles term as CIA chief[1].

Dulles is considered one of the essential creators of the modern United States intelligence system and was an indispensable guide to clandestine operation during the Cold War. He established intelligence networks worldwide to check and counter Soviet and eastern European communist advances as well as international communist movements.[13][11][14][page needed]

Although Dulles’ involvement in the Bay of Pigs endeavor gained him enough ill repute to be fired from the CIA during Kennedy’s administration, he didn’t let this stifle his ambition. Somehow he found himself reinstated and was allowed to serve on the commission to investigate the murder of the very man who fired him.

Involvement in coups against governments of Iran and Guatemala

In 1953 Dulles was involved, along with Frank Wisner,[15][page needed] in Operation Ajax, the covert operation that led to the removal of Mohammad Mossadeq, prime minister of Iran, and his replacement with Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Shah of Iran. Rumors of a Soviet takeover of the country had surfaced due to the nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. British diplomat Christopher Woodhouse had pitched the idea of a coup d’état to President Eisenhower to try to regain British control of the oil company. Woodhouse would later say, “Not wishing to be accused of using Americans to pull British chestnuts out of the fire, I decided to emphasize the communist threat” to Iran.[citation needed]

President Jacobo Arbenz Guzman of Guatemala was removed in 1954 in a CIA-led coup carried out under the code name Operation PBSUCCESS. Dulles was on the board of trustees of the United Fruit Company, which stood to lose farmland to expropriation under proposed land reforms.[16]

Sabotage against Cuba: Operation 40

At the direction of President Eisenhower, Dulles established Operation 40, comprising 40 officials and agents whose primary area of operations was the Caribbean region, including Cuba. On March 4, 1960, La Coubre, a ship flying a Belgian flag, exploded in Havana Bay. It was loaded with arms and ammunition destined for the armed forces of the Cuban government of Fidel Castro. The explosion killed 75 people and over 200 were injured. Fabian Escalante, an officer of the Department of State Security (G-2), later claimed that this was the first successful act carried out by Operation 40.[citation needed]

Operation 40 not only was involved in sabotage operations but evolved into a team of assassins. One member, Frank Sturgis, claimed: “this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents … We were concentrating strictly in Cuba at that particular time.”[citation needed]

Over the next few years Operation 40 worked closely with several anti-Castro Cuban organizations, including Alpha 66. CIA officials and freelance agents such as William Harvey, Thomas G. Clines, Porter Goss, Gerry Patrick Hemming, E. Howard Hunt, David Sánchez Morales, Carl Elmer Jenkins, Bernard Barker, Barry Seal, Frank Sturgis, William Robert Plumlee (“Tosh” Plumlee), and William C. Bishop also joined the project.[citation needed]

During the Kennedy Administration, Dulles faced increasing criticism[1]. The pro-American but unpopular regimes in Iran and Guatemala that Dulles had helped put in place were widely regarded as brutal and corrupt.[citation needed]

Several failed assassination plots utilizing CIA-recruited operatives from the Mafia and anti-Castro Cubans directly against Castro undermined the CIA’s credibility. The reputation of the agency and its director declined drastically after the Bay of Pigs Invasion fiasco, and Dulles and his staff (including Deputy Director for Plans Richard M. Bissell, Jr. and Deputy Director Charles Cabell) were forced to resign in September 1961. President Kennedy reportedly said he wanted to “splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it into the winds.”[17]

Later life

Dulles published the book The Craft of Intelligence in 1963.[6]

On November 29, 1963, President Lyndon Baines Johnson appointed Dulles as one of seven commissioners of the Warren Commission to investigate the assassination of the U.S. President John F. Kennedy. The appointment was later criticized by some historians, who have noted that Kennedy had fired him, and he was therefore unlikely to be impartial in passing the judgments charged to the Warren Commission.[citation needed]

In 1966, Princeton University’s American Whig-Cliosophic Society awarded Dulles the James Madison Award for Distinguished Public Service.[18]

In 1969 Dulles died of influenza, complicated by pneumonia, at the age of 75, in Georgetown, D.C.[1] He was buried in Greenmount Cemetery in Baltimore, Maryland.

In the media

Vyacheslav Salevich depicted Dulles’ role in the wartime Operation Sunrise in the Soviet TV miniseries Seventeen Moments of Spring (1973).

In the film The Good Shepherd, William Hurt portrays the fictional head of the CIA, Phillip Allen, who appears to be based on Dulles.

In the film JFK, Jim Garrison suspects Dulles of participating in the cover-up surrounding Kennedy’s assassination, and attempts to subpoena him.

In Nick & Jake, a novel by Tad Richards and Jonathan Richards, published in 2012 by Arcade Publishing, Allen Dulles plots a coup to overthrow the government of France.[19]

See also
Dulles’ Plan

1.^ a b c d e “Obituaries 1969”, Britannica Book of the Year 1970, Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., 1970, p. 580, ISBN 0-85229-144-2
2.^ “Allen Welsh Dulles – CIA director”. CNN. Archived from the original on 2008-01-07. Retrieved 2011-09-16.
3.^ “Twelve Freshman Debates Chosen From Whig Hall”. The Daily Princetonian: p. 2. 31 March 1911 (Volume 36, Number 29). Retrieved 15 May 2012.
4.^ Grose 1994, pp. 65, 80–81.
5.^ “History of CFR: Appendix: Historical Roster of Directors and Officers”. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 2011-09-16.
6.^ a b Dulles 2006.
7.^ Mosley 1978, pp. 91–92.
8.^ Grose 1994, pp. 121–122.
9.^ a b Srodes 1999, pp. 189–190.
10.^ Dulles & Armstrong 1936.
11.^ a b Grose 1994, p. 121.
12.^ Weiner 2007, pp. 105–106.
13.^ Srodes 1999, p. 22.
14.^ Dulles & Armstrong 1939.
15.^ Trento 2001.
16.^ “The United Fruit Company”. Maya Paradise. Retrieved 2011-09-16.
17.^ “CIA: Maker of Policy, or Tool?” (Fee required). The New York Times: p. 20, column 3. April 25, 1966. Retrieved 2011-09-16.
18.^ Lim, Xiuhui (1 November 2002). “Letter from Xiuhui Lim to Kofi Annan” (PDF). United Nations. Retrieved 15 May 2012.
19.^ Arcade Publishing


Dulles, Allen; Armstrong, Hamilton Fish (1936). Can We Be Neutral?. New York: Harper & Brothers. OCLC 513361.
Dulles, Allen; Armstrong, Hamilton Fish (1939). Can America Stay Neutral?. New York: Harper & Brothers. OCLC 256170.
Dulles, Allen (1947). Germany’s Underground. New York: The Macmillan Company. pp. 207. LCCN 47002566.
Dulles, Allen; Wala, Michael (1993). The Marshall Plan. Providence, RI: Berg. ISBN 978-0-85496-350-8.
Dulles, Allen; Petersen, Neal H. (1999). From Hitler’s Doorstep: The Wartime Intelligence Reports of Allen Dulles, 1942–1945. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 0-271-01485-7.
Dulles, Allen (2000). Germany’s Underground; with a new introduction by Peter Hoffmann.. New York: Da Capo Press. ISBN 0-306-80928-1.
Dulles, Allen (2004). The Secret Surrender: The Classic Insider’s Account of the Secret Plot to Surrender Northern Italy During WWII. Guilford, Conn.: The Lyons Press. ISBN 1-59228-368-3.
Dulles, Allen (2006). The Craft of Intelligence: America’s Legendary Spy Master on the Fundamentals of Intelligence Gathering for a Free World. Guilford, Conn.: The Lyons Press. ISBN 1-59228-297-0.
Grose, Peter (1994). Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 978-0-395-51607-2.
Lisagor, Nancy; Lipsius, Frank (1988). A Law Unto Itself: The Untold Story of the Law Firm Sullivan and Cromwell. New York: William Morrow. ISBN 0-688-04888-9.
Loftus, John; Aarons, Mark (1994). The secret war against the Jews : how western espionage betrayed the Jewish people. New York: St. Martin’s Griffin. ISBN 978-0-312-15648-0.
Mosley, Leonard (1978). Dulles: A Biography of Eleanor, Allen, and John Foster Dulles and their Family Network. New York: Dial Press.
Srodes, James (1999). Allen Dulles: Master of Spies. Washington, D.C.: Regnery. ISBN 0-89526-314-9.
Trento, Joseph John (2001). The Secret History of the CIA. Roseville, CA: Prima. ISBN 978-0-7615-2562-2.
Weiner, Tim (2007). Legacy of Ashes: The History of the Central Intelligence Agency. New York: Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-51445-3.
Yeadon, Glen; Hawkins, John (2008). The Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of a Century, Wall Street and the Rise of the Fourth Reich. Joshua Tree, CA: Progressive Press. ISBN 0-930852-43-5.

External links
Allen Dulles Papers at the Seeley G. Mudd Manuscript Library, Princeton University
Audio stream of lecture given by Dulles: ‘The Role of Intelligence in Policy Making’ (RAM format)

On the CIA Team:
Howard Hunt
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

OSS, CIA, President’s Special Investigations Unit (White House Plumbers)
Watergate burglaries and scandal
Robert Dietrich
Gordon Davis
David St. John
Birth name
Everette Howard Hunt, Jr.
October 9, 1918
January 23, 2007 (aged 88)

Saint John Hunt, David Hunt, Kevan Spence (nee Hunt), Lisa Hunt
CIA agent, author
Alma mater
Brown University

Everette Howard Hunt, Jr. (October 9, 1918 – January 23, 2007) was an American intelligence officer and writer. Hunt served for many years as a CIA officer. Hunt, with G. Gordon Liddy and others, was one of the Nixon White House “plumbers” — a secret team of operatives charged with fixing “leaks”. Hunt and Liddy engineered the first Watergate burglary, and other undercover operations for Nixon. In the ensuing Watergate Scandal, Hunt was convicted of burglary, conspiracy and wiretapping, eventually serving 33 months in prison.

1 Early life and career
2 CIA and anti-Castro efforts
3 Watergate
4 JFK conspiracy theories
5 Late JFK conspiracy allegations and death
6 In films
7 Books
8 Notes
9 External links

Early life and career

Hunt was born in Hamburg, New York, United States, of English and Welsh descent.[1][2] An alumnus of Nichols School in Buffalo, New York and a 1940 graduate of Brown University, Hunt during World War II served in the U.S. Navy on the destroyer USS Mayo, United States Army Air Forces, and finally, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) which he worked for in China.[3] During and after the war, he also wrote several novels under his own name — East of Farewell (1942), Limit of Darkness (1944), Stranger in Town (1947), Bimini Run (1949) (with a hero named “Hank Sturgis”), and The Violent Ones (1950) — and, more famously, several spy and hardboiled novels under an array of pseudonyms, including Robert Dietrich, Gordon Davis and David St. John. Hunt won a Guggenheim Fellowship for his writing in 1946.

CIA and anti-Castro efforts

Warner Bros. had just bought rights to Hunt’s novel Bimini Run when he joined the CIA in October 1949 as a political action specialist, in what came to be called their Special Activities Division.[4] The CIA was the successor organization of the OSS. Hunt became station chief in Mexico City in 1950, and supervised William F. Buckley, Jr., who worked for the CIA in Mexico during the period 1951–1952. Buckley and Hunt remained lifelong friends.[5]

In Mexico, Hunt helped devise Operation PBSUCCESS, the successful covert plan to overthrow Jacobo Arbenz, the elected president of Guatemala. Following assignments in Japan and as station chief in Uruguay, Hunt was given the assignment of forging Cuban exile leaders in the United States into a broadly representative government-in-exile that would, after the Bay of Pigs Invasion, form a provisional government to take over Cuba.[6] The failure of the invasion damaged his career.

After the Bay of Pigs, Hunt became a personal assistant to Allen Dulles.[7] Tad Szulc states that Hunt was asked to assist Dulles in writing a book, The Craft of Intelligence, that Dulles wrote following his involuntary retirement as CIA head in 1961.[8] The book was published in 1963.

Hunt told the Senate Watergate Committee in 1973 that he had served as the first Chief of Covert Action for the CIA’s Domestic Operations Division. He told the New York Times in 1974 that he spent about four years working for the division, beginning shortly after it was set up, by the Kennedy Administration in 1962, over the “strenuous opposition” of Richard Helms and Thomas H. Karamessines. He said that the division was assembled shortly after the Bay of Pigs operation, and that “many men connected with that failure were shunted into the new domestic unit.” He said that some of his projects from 1962 to 1966, which dealt largely with the subsidizing and manipulation of news and publishing organizations, “did seem to violate the intent of the agency’s charter.”[9]

According to Tad Szulc, Hunt was assigned to temporary duty as the acting CIA station chief in Mexico City for the period of August and September 1963,[10] at the time of Lee Harvey Oswald’s alleged visit there.[11][12] In his 1978 testimony, however, Hunt denied having been in Mexico at all between 1961 and 1970.[13]

Hunt was undeniably bitter about what he perceived as President John F. Kennedy’s lack of commitment in overturning the Fidel Castro regime.[14] In his semi-fictional autobiography, Give Us This Day, he wrote: “The Kennedy administration yielded Castro all the excuse he needed to gain a tighter grip on the island of Jose Marti, then moved shamefacedly into the shadows and hoped the Cuban issue would simply melt away.”[15] Disillusioned, he retired from the CIA on May 1, 1970, and went to work for the Robert R. Mullen Company, which cooperated with the CIA; Bob Haldeman, White House Chief of Staff to President Nixon, wrote in 1978 that the Mullen Company was in fact a CIA front company, a fact which was apparently unknown to Haldeman while he worked in the White House.[16] Hunt obtained a Covert Security Approval to handle the firm’s affairs during Mullen’s absence from Washington.[17] The following year, he was hired by Charles Colson, chief counsel to President Richard Nixon, and joined the President’s Special Investigations Unit (alias White House Plumbers).[3]


Main article: Watergate scandal
Hunt testifies before the Watergate Committee
Hunt’s first assignment for the White House was a covert operation to break into the Los Angeles office of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist, Dr. Lewis J. Fielding.[18] In July 1971, Fielding had refused an FBI request for psychiatric data on Ellsberg.[19] Hunt and Liddy cased the building in late August.[20] The burglary, on September 3, 1971, was not detected, but no Ellsberg files were found.[21]

Also in the summer of 1971, Colson authorized Hunt to travel to New England to seek potentially scandalous information on Senator Edward Kennedy, specifically pertaining to the Chappaquiddick incident and to Kennedy’s possible extramarital affairs.[16] Hunt sought and used CIA disguises and other equipment for the project.[22] This mission eventually proved unsuccessful, with little if any useful information uncovered by Hunt.[16]

Hunt’s White House duties included assassinations-related disinformation. In September 1971, Hunt forged and offered to a Life magazine reporter two top-secret U.S. State Department cables designed to prove that President Kennedy had personally and specifically ordered the assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem and his brother Ngo Dinh Nhu.[23] Hunt told the Senate Watergate Committee in 1973 that he had fabricated the cables to show a link between President Kennedy and the assassination of Diem, a Catholic, to estrange Catholic voters from the Democratic Party, after Colson suggested he “might be able to improve upon the record.”[24]

According to Seymour Hersh, writing in The New Yorker, Nixon White House tapes show that after presidential candidate George Wallace was shot on May 15, 1972, Nixon and Colson agreed to send Hunt to the Milwaukee home of the gunman, Arthur Bremer, to place McGovern presidential campaign material there. The intention was to link Bremer with the Democrats. Hersh writes that, in a taped conversation, “Nixon is energized and excited by what seems to be the ultimate political dirty trick: the FBI and the Milwaukee police will be convinced, and will tell the world, that the attempted assassination of Wallace had its roots in left-wing Democratic politics.” Hunt did not make the trip, however, because the FBI had moved too quickly to seal Bremer’s apartment and place it under police guard.[25]

Hunt organized the bugging of the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate office building.[26]

A few days after the break-in, Nixon was recorded saying, to H. R. Haldeman, “This fellow Hunt, he knows too damn much.”[27]

[V]ery bad, to have this fellow Hunt, ah, you know, ah, it’s, he, he knows too damn much and he was involved, we happen to know that. And that it gets out that the whole, this is all involved in the Cuban thing, that it’s a fiasco, and it’s going to make the FBI, ah CIA look bad, it’s going to make Hunt look bad, and it’s likely to blow the whole, uh, Bay of Pigs thing which we think would be very unfortunate for CIA and for the country at this time, and for American foreign policy, and he just better tough it and lay it on them.[28][dead link]

Hunt and fellow operative G. Gordon Liddy, along with the five burglers arrested at the Watergate, were indicted on federal charges three months later.

Hunt’s wife, Dorothy, was killed in the December 8, 1972 plane crash of United Airlines Flight 553 in Chicago. Congress, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) investigated the crash, and found it to be an accident caused by crew error.[29] Over $10,000 in cash was found in Dorothy Hunt’s handbag in the wreckage.[30]

Hunt eventually spent 33 months in prison at the low-security Federal Prison Camp at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida, on a conspiracy charge, arriving there on April 25, 1975[31], and said he was bitter that he was sent to jail while Nixon was allowed to resign while avoiding prosecution for any crimes he may have committed, and was later fully pardoned in September, 1974, by incoming President Gerald Ford.

JFK conspiracy theories

Give Us This Day, Hunt’s book on the Bay of Pigs Invasion, was published late in 1973. In the book’s foreword, he commented on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy as follows:

Once again it became fashionable to hold the city of Dallas collectively responsible for his murder. Still, and let this not be forgotten, Lee Harvey Oswald was a partisan of Fidel Castro, and an admitted Marxist who made desperate efforts to join the Red Revolution in Havana. In the end, he was an activist for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. But for Castro and the Bay of Pigs disaster there would have been no such “Committee.” And perhaps no assassin named Lee Harvey Oswald.[32]

On November 3, 1978, Hunt gave a security-classified deposition for the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). He denied knowledge of any conspiracy to kill Kennedy. (The Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) released the deposition in February 1996.)[33]

The House Select Committee on Assassinations concluded that there was a conspiracy to kill John F. Kennedy.[34] based on recording of the assassination from the open microphone on a Dallas Police officer’s motorcycle. The scientific acoustical evidence was initially reported to furnish a 95% probability that there was a second gunman in the so-called grassy knoll area.[35]. This conclusion is controversial, and it is possible the open microphone was not at the scene of the assassination. See Dictabelt evidence relating to the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

The Committee could not determine who the gunman was and what the extent of the conspiracy was. In 2005, an article in Science & Justice by Ralph Linsker, Richard Garwin, Herman Chernoff, Paul Horowitz, and Norman Foster Ramsey, Jr. re-analyzed the acoustic synchronization evidence, supporting the NAS report’s finding that the sounds alleged to be gunshots occurred about a minute after the assassination.[36] Two newspaper articles published a few months before the deposition stated that a 1966 CIA memo linking Hunt to the assassination of President Kennedy had recently been provided to the HSCA. The first article, by Victor Marchetti—author of the book The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence (1974)—appeared in the Liberty Lobby newspaper The Spotlight on August 14, 1978. According to Marchetti, the memo said in essence, “Some day we will have to explain Hunt’s presence in Dallas on November 22, 1963.”[37] He also wrote that Hunt, Frank Sturgis, and Gerry Patrick Hemming would soon be implicated in a conspiracy to kill John F. Kennedy.

The second article, by Joseph J. Trento and Jacquie Powers, appeared in the Wilmington, Delaware Sunday News Journal six days later. It alleged that the purported memo was initialed by Richard Helms and James Angleton and showed that, shortly after Helms and Angleton were elevated to their highest positions in the CIA, they discussed the fact that Hunt had been in Dallas on the day of the assassination and that his presence there had to be kept secret. However, nobody has been able to produce this supposed memo, and the United States President’s Commission on CIA activities within the United States determined that Hunt had been in Washington, D.C. on the day of the assassination.[38]

Hunt sued Liberty Lobby—but not the Sunday News Journal—for libel. Liberty Lobby stipulated, in this first trial, that the question of Hunt’s alleged involvement in the assassination would not be contested.[39] Hunt prevailed and was awarded $650,000 damages. In 1983, however, the case was overturned on appeal because of error in jury instructions.[40] In a second trial, held in 1985, Mark Lane made an issue of Hunt’s location on the day of the Kennedy assassination.[41] Lane successfully defended Liberty Lobby by producing evidence suggesting that Hunt had been in Dallas. He used depositions from David Atlee Phillips, Richard Helms, G. Gordon Liddy, Stansfield Turner, and Marita Lorenz, plus a cross-examination of Hunt. On retrial, the jury rendered a verdict for Liberty Lobby.[42] In spite of Lane’s claim that he convinced the jury that Hunt was a JFK assassination conspirator, most of the jurors who were interviewed by the media said they disregarded the conspiracy theory and judged the case (according to the judge’s jury instructions) on whether the article was published with “reckless disregard for the truth.”[43] Lane outlined his theory about Hunt’s and the CIA’s role in Kennedy’s murder in a 1991 book, Plausible Denial.[44]

Some people that believe JFK was assassinated as a result of a conspiracy have suggested that two of the “three tramps” that marched through Dealey Plaza in the wake of the assassination to be Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis, although several other men, Charles Harrelson for example, were also identified as tramps. The mystery was thought to be solved in the early 1990s when researcher Mary LaFontaine discovered documents identifying the men as Harold Doyle, John Forester Gedney, and Gus W. Abrams. Both the F.B.I. and independent researchers confirmed the identifications.[45]

The Mitrokhin Archive[46] by Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, on the evidence supplied by Mitrokhin’s transcribed versions of Top Secret KGB files, alleges that the Soviet Union was principal in falsely connecting E. Howard Hunt to the Kennedy Assassination. Those allegations contradict the House Select Committee on Assassinations final report. The Committee concluded that there was no evidence to prove Soviet Union/KGB involvement.[47] Mitrokhin alleges, for example, that the KGB recruited and provided secret financial support for Mark Lane and other conspiracy theorist authors, including Carl Aldo Marzani and Joachim Joesten.[48]

Hunt was also the addressee of a letter, purportedly from Oswald, dated two weeks before the assassination. Andrew and Mitrokhin state that the letter was a hoax, carefully created by the KGB to implicate Hunt and the CIA, based upon a belief that Hunt had been in Dallas on the day of the assassination. The letter was accepted as genuine by Oswald’s widow and left the House Select Committee on Assassinations (1978) unable to verify or discredit its authenticity. Eventually it appeared in the American press, though some assumed the “Mr. Hunt” to whom it was addressed to be the oil magnate H. L. Hunt, whom the Kremlin first suspected of plotting the assassination.[49]

Hunt was a prolific author, primarily of spy novels.[50] He lived in Biscayne Park, Florida.[51]

A fictionalized account of Hunt’s role in the Bay of Pigs operation appears in Norman Mailer’s 1991 novel Harlot’s Ghost.

Canadian journalist David Giammarco interviewed Hunt for the December 2000 issue of Cigar Aficionado magazine.[52] E. Howard Hunt also wrote the foreword to Giammarco’s book For Your Eyes Only: Behind the Scenes of the James Bond Films (ECW Press, 2002).

Late JFK conspiracy allegations and death

During the last few years and months of Hunt’s life, he made several claims about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, as reported by his son Saint John Hunt. In audio recordings, discussions and writings, Hunt said (according to his son) that he and several others were involved in a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy.[53] He said the codename the conspirators gave for the operation was “The Big Event,” and that Vice- President Lyndon B. Johnson ordered the assassination and assigned Cord Meyer to implement the details. Meyer recruited the people who planned and carried out the killing, including David Phillips, Frank Sturgis, David Morales, William Harvey, a French gunman, and Lucien Sarti, who worked for the Mafia.[53][54]

Hunt died on January 23, 2007 in Miami, Florida of pneumonia[55][56] and is buried in Prospect Lawn Cemetery, Hamburg, New York. Hunt’s memoir American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond was published by John Wiley & Sons in March 2007.[57]

In films

Hunt was portrayed by Ed Harris in the 1995 biopic Nixon.


Give Us This Day: The Inside Story of the CIA and the Bay of Pigs Invasion—by One of Its Key Organizers (1973)
Undercover: memoirs of an American secret agent / by E. Howard Hunt (1974)
For Your Eyes Only: Behind the Scenes of the James Bond Films / by David Giammarco; foreword by E. Howard Hunt (2002)
American spy: my secret history in the CIA, Watergate, and beyond / E. Howard Hunt; with Greg Aunapu; foreword by William F. Buckley, Jr. (2007)

Novels published as Howard Hunt or E. Howard Hunt:
East of Farewell (1943)
Limit of darkness, a novel by Howard Hunt (1944)
Stranger in town (1947)
Calculated risk: a play / by Howard Hunt (1948)
Maelstrom / Howard Hunt (1948)
Bimini run / by Howard Hunt (1949)
The Violent Ones (1950)
Berlin ending; a novel of discovery (1973)
Hargrave deception / E. Howard Hunt (1980)
Gaza intercept / E. Howard Hunt (1981)
Cozumel / E. Howard Hunt (1985)
Kremlin conspiracy / E. Howard Hunt (1985)
Guadalajara / E. Howard Hunt (1990)
Murder in State / E. Howard Hunt (1990)
Body count / E. Howard Hunt (1992)
Chinese Red / by E. Howard Hunt (1992)
Mazatlán / E. Howard Hunt (1993) (lists former pseudonym P. S. Donoghue on cover)
Ixtapa / E. Howard Hunt (1994)
Islamorada / E. Howard Hunt (1995)
Paris edge / E. Howard Hunt (1995)
Izmir / E. Howard Hunt (1996)
Dragon teeth: a novel / by E. Howard Hunt (1997)
Guilty knowledge / E. Howard Hunt (1999)
Sonora / E. Howard Hunt. (2000)

As Robert Dietrich:
Cheat (1954)
Be My Victim (1956)
Murder on the rocks: an original novel (1957)

As P. S. Donoghue:
Dublin Affair (1988)
Sarkov Confession: a novel (1989)
Evil Time (1992)

As David St. John
Hazardous Duty (1966)
Mongol Mask (1968)
Sorcerers (1969)
Diabolus (1971)
Coven (1972)

As Gordon Davis:
I Came to Kill (1953)
House Dick (1961)
Counterfeit Kill (1963)
Ring Around Rosy (1964)
Where Murder Waits (1965)

As John Baxter:
A Foreign Affair

1.^ “E. Howard Hunt, Agent Who Organized Botched Watergate Break-In, Dies at 88”. The New York Times. January 24, 2007.
3.^ a b Hedegaard, Erik (April 5, 2007). [1] Rolling Stone
4.^ Safe For Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA, John Prados, 2006 page xxii
5.^ William F. Buckley, Jr. (January 26, 2007), “Howard Hunt, RIP”. Buckley describes their early friendship in Mexico in his introduction to Hunt’s posthumously-published memoir, American Spy.
6.^ Tad Szulc, Compulsive Spy: The Strange Career of E. Howard Hunt (New York: Viking, 1974), 78.
7.^ HSCA Deposition (November 3, 1978), Part II, p. 6:10–17
8.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 95
9.^ Seymour M. Hersch, “Hunt Tells of Early Work For a CIA Domestic Unit,” New York Times (December 31, 1974), p. 1, col. 6.
10.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 96, 99: “Hunt spent August and September 1963 in Mexico City in charge of the CIA station there.”
11.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 99: “Through an extraordinary coincidence, Lee Harvey Oswald also visited Mexico City during September 1963.”
12.^ John Armstrong, “Mexico City—Pandora’s Box” – pp. 614–706 of Harvey & Lee (Arlington, Texas: Quasar Press, 2003).
13.^ HSCA Deposition (November 3, 1978), Part I, p. 7:14–16
14.^ Rosenberg, Carol (June 28, 2001). Plotter of Bay of Pigs, Watergate conspirator: ‘File and forget’ Castro. Miami Herald
15.^ Hunt, Give Us This Day, 13–14
16.^ a b c The Ends of Power, by H. R. Haldeman with Joseph DiMona, 1978
17.^ “ARRB REQUEST: CIA-IR-06, QKENCHANT” (gif). Central Intelligence Agency. 1996-05-14. p. 3. Retrieved 2010-06-11.
18.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 128
19.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 127
20.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 130
21.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 131
22.^ Marjorie Hunter, “Colson Confirms Backing Kennedy Inquiry but Denies Knowing of Hunt’s CIA Aid,” New York Times (June 30, 1973), p. 15.
23.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 134–135.
24.^ David E. Rosenbaum, “Hunt Says He Fabricated Cables on Diem to Link Kennedy to Killing of a Catholic; Testifies Colson Sought To Alienate Democrats,” New York Times (September 25, 1973), p. 28.
25.^ Molotsky, Irvin (December 7, 1992). Article Says Nixon Schemed to Tie Foe to Wallace Attack. “[T]he agent picked for the mission was E. Howard Hunt.” The New York Times
26.^ Reynolds, Tim. “Watergate Figure E. Howard Hunt Dies.” Associated Press. January 23, 2007.
27.^ Weiner, Tim (January 24, 2007). E. Howard Hunt, Agent Who Organized Botched Watergate Break-In, Dies at 88. The New York Times
28.^ Transcript of a Recording of a Meeting Between the President and H. R. Haldeman, the Oval Office, June 23, 1972
29.^ NTSB report
30.^ CNN Live Today, “Deadly Plane Skid in Chicago” Aired December 9, 2005.
31.^ Braxton, Sheila, “Hunt Arrives at Eglin – ‘Equal Treatment’ Is All He Asks”, Playground Daily News, Fort Walton Beach, Florida, Sunday 27 April 1975, Volume 30, Number 68, page 1A.
32.^ Szulc, Compulsive Spy, 99. Szulc, writing in 1974, calls this “a bizarre passage.”
33.^ HSCA Deposition (November 3, 1978)
36.^ Maksoud, JG; Chapchap, P; Porta, G; Miura, I; Carone Filho, E; Tannuri, U; Da Silva, MM; Ayoub, AA et al. (1991). “Liver transplantation in children: initial experience of the Instituto da Criança of the Hospital das Clínicas of Universidade de São Paulo”. AMB; revista da Associacao Medica Brasileira 37 (4): 193–9. PMID 1668627.
37.^ Victor Marchetti, “CIA to Admit Hunt Involvement in Kennedy Slaying,” The Spotlight (August 14, 1978)
38.^ Were Watergate Conspirators Also JFK Assassins?
39.^ Hunt v. Marchetti, 824 F.2d 916 (11th Cir. 1987). “In arguing that the stipulation should be binding on retrial, Hunt attempts to characterize the statements of the Liberty Lobby attorney as stipulating to the fact that Hunt was not in Dallas on the day of the Kennedy assassination. The statements, however, are more accurately viewed as a stipulation that the question of Hunt’s alleged involvement in the assassination would not be contested at trial. They thus served merely to narrow the factual issues in dispute.” Id. at 917–18 (citations omitted).
40.^ Hunt v. Liberty Lobby, 720 F.2d 631 (11th Cir. 1983). “Libel Award for Howard Hunt overturned by appeals court,” New York Times (December 4, 1983).
41.^ Hunt v. Marchetti, 824 F.2d 916 (11th Cir. 1987). “Hunt was aware throughout discovery prior to the retrial that Liberty Lobby intended to make Hunt’s location on the day of the Kennedy assassination an issue on retrial.” Id. at 928.
42.^ Hunt v. Marchetti, 824 F.2d 916 (11th Cir. 1987). “The jury on retrial rendered a verdict for Liberty Lobby. We affirm.” Id. at 918.
43.^ John McAdams, “Implausible Assertions”
44.^ Isaacs, Jeremy (1997). Cold War: Howard Hunt interview excerpts and full transcript. CNN
45.^ JFK Assassination a Hobo Hit?
46.^ [ISBN_0-713-99358-8]
48.^ [The Mitrokhin Archive, pp. 293-297]
49.^ [The Mitrokhin Archive, pp. 293-299]
50.^ Vidal, Gore. (December 13, 1973) The Art and Arts of E. Howard Hunt. New York Review of Books
51.^ Bardach, A.L. (October 6, 2004). Scavenger Hunt.
52.^ Cigar Aficionado, November/December 2000
53.^ a b Erik Hedegaard, “The Last Confession of E. Howard Hunt”, Rolling Stone, April 5, 2007.
54.^ Hunt, E. Howard. “Last”. E. Howard Hunt – Testament. Retrieved 29 March 2012.
55.^ Cabron, Lou (January 25, 2007), 20 Secrets of an Infamous Dead Spy. 10 Zen Monkeys
56.^ Cornwell, Rupert (January 25, 2007). E. Howard Hunt obituary. The Independent
57.^ Reed, Christopher (January 25, 2007). E Howard Hunt obituary. The Guardian

Biography portal

“Howard Hunt’s Final Mission” — Review of American Spy by James Rosen in The Politico (February 7, 2007)
“The Art and Arts of E. Howard Hunt” 1973 review by Gore Vidal in the New York Review of Books
“Literary Agent” Review essay by Rachel Donadio in the New York Times Sunday Book Review (February 18, 2007)
Obituary and bibliography of Hunt’s novels
E. Howard Hunt at the Internet Movie Database
Video of Nixon discussing Hunt in the Watergate tapes
Deposition for the House Select Committee on Assassinations (1978) — Released in 1996
Hunt’s Ties to JFK & Nixon (Dead Link)
“Howard Hunt and the JFK Assassination” — Discussion of the 1978 Spotlight and Sunday News Journal articles
“If This Is Hunt Are There Any Other Photos?” — Discussion of proposal identifying Hunt in photographs of Dealey Plaza
E. Howard Hunt at Find a Grave

Frank Sturgis
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Frank Anthony Sturgis (December 9, 1924 – December 4, 1993), born Frank Angelo Fiorini, was one of the Watergate burglars.

1 Early life and military service
2 Intelligence activities 1952-1962
3 Alleged JFK assassination connections
4 Watergate burglary 1972
5 Prison and later investigations
6 Later life
7 See also
8 Notes
9 Bibliography
10 External links

Early life and military service

When still a child, his family moved to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. On October 5, 1942, in his senior year of high school, seventeen year old Frank Angelo Fiorini joined the United States Marine Corps and served under Col. “Red Mike” Merritt A. Edson in the First Marine Raider Battalion in the Pacific during the Second World War.[1] Honorably discharged as a corporal in 1945, he joined the Norfolk police force on June 5, 1946. He soon discovered a corrupt payoff system and brought it to the attention of his superiors who told him to overlook the illegal activities. On October 5, 1946 he had a confrontation with his sergeant and resigned the same day. For the next eighteen months he managed the Havana-Madrid tavern in Norfolk that catered to foreigners, mostly Cuban merchant seamen.

On November 9, 1947, Fiorini joined the United States Naval Reserve at the Norfolk Naval Air Station and learned to fly while still working at the tavern. He was honorably discharged on August 30, 1948 and joined the United States Army the next day. He was sent immediately to West Berlin where Russia had closed the land routes during the Berlin Blockade and he became a member of General Lucius Clay’s honor guard. Two weeks after Russia reopened the land routes on May 11, 1949, Frank was honorably discharged. As a Marine Raider, Fiorini had worked behind enemy lines gathering intelligence, and during his Army tenure in Berlin and Heidelberg, he had a top secret clearance and worked in an intelligence unit whose primary target was the Soviet Union. Fiorini started to believe Russia was a threat, and he became a lifelong militant. Returning to Norfolk in 1952, he took a job managing the Cafe Society tavern, then partnered with its owner, Milton Bass, to co-purchase and manage The Top Hat Nightclub in Virginia Beach.[2]

Sturgis attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute before becoming the manager of the Whitehorse Tavern. While in Norfolk, Virginia Sturgis attended a few classes at Old Dominion University.[citation needed]

Intelligence activities 1952-1962

On September 23, 1952, Frank Fiorini filed a petition in the Circuit Court of the City of Norfolk, Virginia, to change his name to Frank Anthony Sturgis, adopting the surname of his stepfather Ralph Sturgis, whom his mother had married in 1937. Whether coincidence or not, his new name resembled that of Hank Sturgis, the fictional hero of E. Howard Hunt’s 1949 novel, Bimini Run, whose life parallels Frank Sturgis’ life from 1942 to 1949 in certain salient respects.[3]

Sturgis moved to Miami in 1957 where the Cuban wife of his uncle Angelo Vona introduced him to former Cuban president Carlos Prio, who with other anti-Batista Cubans were plotting their return to power. They were sending money to Mexico to support Fidel Castro. Prio asked Sturgis to go to Cuba to join up with Castro and to report back to the exiled powers in Miami.[4]

Sturgis met up with Castro and his 400 rebels in the Sierra Maestra mountains. Sturgis offered to train Castro’s troops in guerrilla warfare. Castro accepted the offer, but he also had an immediate need for guns and ammunition, so Sturgis became a gunrunner. Using money from anti-Batista Cuban exiles in Miami, Sturgis purchased boatloads of weapons and ammo from CIA weapons expert Samuel Cummings’s International Armament Corporation in Alexandria, Virginia. Sturgis explained later that he chose to throw in with Castro rather than Prio because Fidel was a soldier, a man of action, whereas Prio was a politician, more a man of words.[5] In March 1958, Sturgis opened a training camp in the Sierra Maestra mountains, where he taught Che Guevara and other 26th of July Movement rebel soldiers guerrilla warfare.[6] When the revolution ended in January 1959, Castro appointed Sturgis gambling czar and director of security and intelligence for the air force in addition to his position as a captain in the 26th of July Brigade.[7]

He also spent time in Mexico, Venezuela, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Panama, and Honduras. It is believed that during this time Sturgis worked as a soldier of fortune or a contract agent for the Central Intelligence Agency. The 1975 Rockefeller Commission report, however, found that “Frank Sturgis was not an employee or agent of the CIA either in 1963 or at any other time.”[8]

Frank Sturgis (various photos)
Sturgis also became involved in gunrunning to Cuba. On July 30, 1958, Sturgis was arrested for illegal possession of arms but was released without charge. There is some evidence that in 1959, Sturgis had contact with Lewis McWillie, the manager of the Tropicana Casino.

After Fidel Castro gained control of Cuba, Sturgis formed the International Anti-Communist Brigade. In his book Counter-Revolutionary Agent, Hans Tanner claims that the organization was “being financed by dispossessed hotel and gambling owners” who previously had operated freely under Fulgencio Batista.

In 1959, Sturgis became involved with Marita Lorenz, who was then having an affair with Fidel Castro. In January 1960, Sturgis and Lorenz took part in a failed attempt to poison Castro. It is also believed that Sturgis was involved in helping the CIA organize the Bay of Pigs invasion.[9][10]

Sturgis was also a member of Operation 40, a CIA sponsored organization. He later explained: “this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents. We were concentrating strictly in Cuba at that particular time. Actually, they were operating out of Mexico, too.”

Alleged JFK assassination connections

In an article published in the South Florida Sun Sentinel on December 4, 1963, James Buchanan, former reporter for the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel, claimed that Sturgis had met Lee Harvey Oswald in Miami, Florida shortly before the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Buchanan claimed that Oswald had tried to infiltrate the International Anti-Communist Brigade. When he was questioned by the FBI about this story, Sturgis claimed that Buchanan had misquoted him regarding his comments about Oswald.

According to a memo sent by L. Patrick Gray, acting FBI Director, to H. R. Haldeman in 1972: “Sources in Miami say he (Sturgis) is now associated with organized crime activities”. In his book, Assassination of JFK (1977), Bernard Fensterwald claims that Sturgis was heavily involved with the Mafia, particularly with Santo Trafficante’s and Meyer Lansky’s activities in Florida.

The Rockefeller Commission of the U.S. Congress in 1974 investigated Sturgis and E. Howard Hunt in connection with the 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Specifically, it investigated allegations that E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis were CIA agents and were present in Dallas at the time of the assassination and could have fired the alleged shots from the grassy knoll.[11] Some support for Hunt’s involvement came from Kerry Wendell Thornley, who believed he had conversed with Hunt (who Thornley claimed used the alias “Gary Kirstein”) on numerous occasions from 1961 to 1963 regarding plans to assassinate John F. Kennedy. Newsweek magazine reported and printed photographs of three men, including two supposedly resembling Hunt and Sturgis, who were detained at the grassy knoll shortly after the assassination. The Newsweek article stated the official reports that the men were released and were only “railroad bums” who would find shelter sleeping in the boxcars of the trains located near the grassy knoll. According to Newsweek, the men were released without further inquiry.

According to the 1975 Rockefeller Commission report, Hunt testified that he had never met Sturgis before they were introduced by Bernard Barker in Miami in 1972. Sturgis testified to the same effect, except that he did not recall whether the introduction had taken place in late 1971 or early 1972. Sturgis further testified that while he had often heard of “Eduardo,” a CIA political officer who had been active in the work of the Cuban Revolutionary Council in Miami prior to the Bay of Pigs operation in April 1961, he had never met him and did not know until 1971 or 1972 that “Eduardo” was E. Howard Hunt.[12]

In a deathbed statement released in 2007, Hunt named Sturgis as one of the participants in “The Big Event”, which Hunt’s son claims to be the code name for the assassination.[13][14][15]

Watergate burglary 1972

Frank Sturgis and Bernard Barker, 1960 (top) and 1972

Watergate scandal
On June 17, 1972, Sturgis, Virgilio González, Eugenio Martínez, Bernard Barker and James W. McCord, Jr. were arrested while installing electronic listening devices in the national Democratic Party campaign offices located at the Watergate office complex in Washington. The phone number of Hunt was found in address books of the burglars. Reporters were able to link the break-in to the White House. Bob Woodward, a reporter working for the Washington Post was told by a source (Deep Throat) who was employed by the government that senior aides of President Richard Nixon had paid the burglars to obtain information about his political opponents.

Prison and later investigations

In January 1973, Sturgis, Hunt, Gonzalez, Martinez, Barker, G. Gordon Liddy and James W. McCord were convicted of conspiracy, burglary and wiretapping. While in prison, Sturgis gave an interview to Andrew St. George. Sturgis told St. George: “I will never leave this jail alive if what we discussed about Watergate does not remain a secret between us. If you attempt to publish what I’ve told you, I am a dead man.”

St. George’s article was published in True magazine in August 1974. Sturgis claims that the Watergate burglars had been instructed to find a particular document in the Democratic Party offices. This was a “secret memorandum from the Castro government” that included details of CIA covert actions. Sturgis said “that the Castro government suspected the CIA did not tell the whole truth about this operations even to American political leaders”.

In an interview with New York Daily News reporter Paul Meskil on June 20, 1975, Sturgis stated, “I was a spy. I was involved in assassination plots and conspiracies to overthrow several foreign governments including Cuba, Panama, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti. I smuggled arms and men into Cuba for Castro and against Castro. I broke into intelligence files. I stole and photographed secret documents. That’s what spies do.”

In 1976, Sturgis gave a series of interviews where he claimed that the assassination of John F. Kennedy had been organized by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. According to Sturgis, Lee Harvey Oswald had been working in America as a Cuban agent.

In November 1977, Marita Lorenz gave an interview to the New York Daily News in which she claimed that a group called Operation 40, that included Sturgis and Lee Harvey Oswald, were involved in a conspiracy to kill both John F. Kennedy and Fidel Castro.

In August 1978, Victor Marchetti published an article about the assassination of John F. Kennedy in the Liberty Lobby newspaper, The Spotlight. In the article, Marchetti argued that the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) had obtained a 1966 CIA memo that revealed Sturgis, Hunt and Gerry Patrick Hemming had been involved in the plot to kill Kennedy. Marchetti’s article also included a story that Marita Lorenz had provided information on this plot. Later that month, Joseph Trento and Jacquie Powers wrote a similar story for the Sunday News Journal.

The House Select Committee on Assassinations did not publish this alleged CIA memo linking its agents to the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Hunt now decided to take legal action against the Liberty Lobby and, in December 1981, he was awarded $650,000 in damages. Liberty Lobby appealed to the United States Court of Appeals. It was claimed that Hunt’s attorney, Ellis Rubin, had offered a clearly erroneous instruction as to the law of defamation. The three-judge panel agreed and the case was retried. This time Mark Lane defended the Liberty Lobby against Hunt’s action.

Lane eventually discovered Marchetti’s sources. The main source was William Corson. It also emerged that Marchetti had also consulted James Angleton and Alan J. Weberman before publishing the article. As a result of obtaining depositions from David Atlee Phillips, Richard Helms, G. Gordon Liddy, Stansfield Turner and Marita Lorenz, plus a skillful cross-examination by Lane of E. Howard Hunt, the jury decided in January 1995 that Marchetti had not been guilty of libel when he suggested that John F. Kennedy had been assassinated by people working for the CIA.

Lorenz also testified before the House Select Committee on Assassinations where she claimed that Sturgis had been one of the gunmen who fired on John F. Kennedy in Dallas. Sturgis testified that he had been engaged in various “adventures” relating to Cuba, which he believed to have been organized and financed by the CIA.

Sturgis denied that he had been involved in the assassination of Kennedy. Sturgis testified that he was in Miami throughout the day of the assassination, and his testimony was supported by that of his wife and a nephew of his wife. The House committee dismissed Lorenz’s testimony, as they were unable to find any other evidence to support it. In 1986, he was interviewed on the television show Inside Edition claiming that the KGB was responsible for the assassination.

Later life

In 1979 Sturgis traveled to Angola to help rebels fighting the communist government, which was supported by Cuba and the Soviet Union, and to teach guerrilla warfare. In 1981 he went to Honduras to train Contras who were fighting Nicaragua’s Sandinista government, which was supported by Cuba and the Soviet Union; the Army of El Salvador; and the Honduras death squads. He made a second trip to Angola and trained rebels in the Angolan bush for Holden Roberto. He interacted with Venezuelan terrorist Carlos the Jackal. In 1989 he visited Yassir Arafat in Tunis. Arafat shared elements of his peace plan and Sturgis was debriefed by the CIA on his return.[16]

In an obituary published December 5, 1993, the New York Times quoted Sturgis’ lawyer, Ellis Rubin, as saying that Sturgis died of cancer a week after he was admitted to a veterans hospital in Miami, five days shy of his 69th birthday. It was reported that doctors diagnosed lung cancer that had spread to his kidneys, and that he was survived by a wife, Jan, and a daughter.[17] The Marine Corps performed a twenty-one gun salute and “Taps” at his funeral. As a war veteran, the Veterans Administration was supposed to provide a headstone, but never did. Sturgis was buried in an unmarked grave in a cemetery south of Miami.[18]

See also
Biography portal
United States Marine Corps portal

First Marine Raider Battalion
Cuban Revolution
Operation 40
Bay of Pigs Invasion
John F. Kennedy assassination conspiracy theories
Watergate burglaries
Watergate Scandal
E. Howard Hunt
“Macho” Bernard Barker

1.^ Jim Hunt and Bob Risch, Warrior (New York: A Forge Book, May 2011), p. 25-26.
2.^ Jim Hunt and Bob Risch, Warrior (New York: A Forge Book, May 2011), p. 30-44.
3.^ Will Ruha, proposal identifying fictional Hank Sturgis with Fiorini. For a contrary view, from Chapter 19 of the Rockefeller Commission report (denying suggestion that Sturgis took his present name from the Hunt character, or that the name change was associated in any way with Sturgis’ knowing Hunt before 1971 or 1972), see “Were Watergate Conspirators Also JFK Assassins?”.
4.^ Jim Hunt and Bob Risch, Warrior (New York: A Forge Book, May 2011), p. 38.
5.^ Jim Hunt and Bob Risch, Warrior (New York: A Forge Book, May 2011), p. 39.
6.^ Jim Hunt and Bob Risch, Warrior (New York: A Forge Book, May 2011), p. 43.
7.^ Jim Hunt and Bob Risch, Warrior (New York: A Forge Book, May 2011), p. 57.
8.^ Report to the President by the Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States Chapter 19
9.^ Schlesinger 1978, p. 482
10.^ Escalante 1995, pp. 47, 74
11.^ Gerald R. Ford Library, Summary Description of Rockefeller Commission Files
12.^ Report to the President by the Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States Chapter 19
13.^ Erik Hedegaard, “The Last Confession of E. Howard Hunt”, Rolling Stone, April 5, 2007.
14.^ “Conspiracy Theory with Jesse Ventura — JFK Assassination”, truTV, November 19, 2010.
15.^ Hunt, E. Howard. “The Last Confessions of E. Howard Hunt”. Retrieved 11 April 2011.
16.^ Jim Hunt and Bob Risch, Warrior (New York: A Forge Book, May 2011), p. 313-314.
17.^ “Frank A. Sturgis, Is Dead at 68; A Burglar in the Watergate Affair”, New York Times (December 5, 1993 obituary)
18.^ Jim Hunt and Bob Risch, Warrior (New York: A Forge Book, May 2011), p. 277.

Escalante, Fabian. 1995. The Secret War: CIA Covert Operations Against Cuba, 1959-62 ISBN 1-875284-86-9
Schlesinger, Arthur M. 1978. Robert Kennedy and His Times. ISBN 978-0-233-97085-1

External links
Sturgis Spartacus Biography
– Frank Sturgis: KGB killed Kennedy‏
“Frank Sturgis”. Find a Grave. Retrieved March 14, 2010.

Lucien SartiFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Lucien Sarti (circa 1931[1] – April 27, 1972) was a drug trafficker and killer-for-hire involved in the infamous French Connection heroin network. He was named on the television series The Men Who Killed Kennedy, as well as in a deathbed confession by former CIA agent E. Howard Hunt, as one of the men who shot at U.S. President John F. Kennedy in Dealy Plaza on the day of his assassination. The series aimed to critically analyze the evidence in the assassination and attacked the Warren Commission conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald had acted alone in killing Kennedy.

In one of the late episodes of the series, aired in 2003 on The History Channel, French prisoner Christian David named Sarti as one of three French criminals hired to carry out the assassination of Kennedy on November 22, 1963, when he was interviewed by author Anthony Summers. David’s account was corroborated by Michele Nicoli, a former associate of David’s who is currently in the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration’s witness protection program. Sarti was the only man David explicitly named, as Sarti had been killed by police in Mexico City in 1972. The trio had all been working for heroin trafficker Auguste Ricord, a known client of the Marseilles underworld, at the time of Kennedy’s death.

Writer Stephen Rivele, the man who named Sarti on “The Men Who Killed Kennedy”, said that Sarti was the one who had fired from the grassy knoll and hit the president in the head. As well as Lucien Sarti, he also named Sauveur Pironti and Roger Bocognani as being involved in the killing. However, Pironti and Bocognani both had alibis and Rivele was forced to withdraw the allegation.[2]

Journalistic and police sources in Paris and Marseille told Revelle that Sarti was known as an extremely daring and reckless man, known and despised even by his own associates for taking enormous chances; but that the willingness to take these chances was what made him such a successful drug trafficker and assassin.

[edit] Further reading
Davis, John H. Mafia Kingfish: Carlos Marcello and the Assassination of John F. Kennedy. New York: Signet, 1989. ISBN 0-451-16418-0
Kruger, Henrik. The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence, and International Fascism. Boston: South End Press, 1980. ISBN 0-89608-031-5
Marrs, Jim. Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy. New York: Carroll & Graf, 1990. ISBN 0-88184-648-1
Mills, James. The Underground Empire: Where Crime and Governments Embrace. Garden City NY: Doubleday, 1986. ISBN 0-385-17535-3
Scott, Peter Dale and Marshall, Jonathan. Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. ISBN 0-520-07312-6
Sterling, Claire. Octopus: The Long Reach of the International Sicilian Mafia. New York: Simon & Schuster (Touchstone Edition), 1991. ISBN 0-671-73402-4

1.^ Clark, Evert and Nicholas Horrock (1973). Contrabandista! Praeger, ASIN B0006C4TXQ. The authors state Sarti was 41 at time of death.

External links
Biography: Lucien Sarti
The Men Who Killed Kennedy – an article on the TV series, which mentions David’s claim of Sarti’s involvement.
The Corsican Connection – a page which explores the possible involvement of the Corsican Mafia in the assassination of John F. Kennedy
Lucien Sarti at Find a Grave

William King “Bill” Harvey (September 13, 1915 in Danville, Indiana – June 1976) was a Central Intelligence Agency officer, best known for his role in Operation Mongoose. He was known as “America’s James Bond.”
Harvey was the son of Sara King Harvey, professor at Indiana State Teachers College in Terre Haute, now Indiana State University. He graduated from Wiley High School in Terre Haute in 1931, eventually enrolling at Indiana University, then graduating from Indiana University School of Law – Bloomington. He married the daughter of a lawyer from Maysville, Kentucky but, after that marriage ended in divorce, joined the Federal Bureau of Investigation in December 1940. He resigned from the FBI in July 1947 after breaking an FBI regulation and refusing a resulting re-assignment to Indianapolis. Peter Wright of MI5 writes in his book Spycatcher that Harvey was sacked by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover for drunkenness. He joined the CIA shortly thereafter where his FBI knowledge proved to be invaluable. Along with James Angleton, he became one of the foremost operatives in the secret war against the KGB during the Cold War.

Operation Mongoose was a CIA operation run from Miami, Florida, that enlisted the help of the Mafia to plot an assassination attempt against Fidel Castro, the leader of the Cuban Revolution. Harvey was one of the case officers who dealt with John Roselli.[1]
Harvey was also posted to West Berlin as Chief of Base in the 1950s, where he led the operation that built an underground tunnel to the Soviet sector, to spy on their communication channels. This operation was called PBJOINTLY.

Harvey died in 1976 from a heart attack. The previous year he testified before the Church Committee on some of the CIA’s past operations.

Further reading

Bayard Stockton (2006). Flawed Patriot: The Rise and Fall of CIA Legend Bill Harvey. Dulles: Potomac Books.

In fiction
Norman Mailer (1992). Harlot’s Ghost: A Novel. New York: Random House.
In Robert Littell’s novel The Company, the character Harvey Torritti (portrayed by Alfred Molina in the 2007 miniseries adaptation) bears a number of resemblances to the real-life Bill Harvey. Torriti served at the FBI before joining CIA, after being fired by J. Edgar Hoover for wearing a loosened tie at FBI headquarters. Torriti also serves as the station chief in Berlin in the early 1950s, as a mentor to the major character Jack McAullife. During this part of the novel, Harvey Torritti has an antagonistic relationship with real-life CIA counterintelligence chief, James Angleton over his suspicion that Kim Philby, a wartime friend of Angleton, was a Soviet mole. Further in the novel, Harvey Torritti acts as the cutout between the CIA and Mafia for the latter to assassinate Fidel Castro, on behalf of the former. Exiled to Rome by Robert F. Kennedy, he recruited the gunman who later executed President John Fitzgerald Kennedy on November 22, 1963. (source H. Hunt)


1.^ Jack Anderson (1971-01-18). “6 Attempts to Kill Castro Laid to CIA”. The Washington Post.

External links
Codshit – William King Harvey
New York Times Review of Harlot’s Ghost

MAFIA Connection:

John Roselli
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

John Roselli
July 4, 1905
Esperia, Frosinone, Italy

August 9, 1976 (aged 71)
Dumfoundling Bay, Florida

John F. Stewart

John “Handsome Johnny” Roselli (born Filippo Sacco; July 4, 1905 – August 9, 1976), sometimes spelled John Rosselli, was an influential mobster for the Chicago Outfit who helped them control Hollywood and the Las Vegas Strip. Roselli was also involved with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) plot to kill Cuban leader Fidel Castro in the early 1960s.[1] Some conspiracy theorists believe he was also involved with John Fitzgerald Kennedy’s assassination in 1963.[2]

1 Early years
2 1940s
3 1950s
4 1960s
5 1970s
6 Death
7 Aftermath
8 See also
9 References
10 Further reading
11 External links

Early years

Born Filippo Sacco (sometimes spelled Phillippo[3]) in Esperia, Frosinone, Italy on July 4, 1905. His father, Vincenzo Sacco, moved on his own to the United States. Roselli immigrated with his mother, Mariantonia Pascale Sacco and one Caterina Palazzo,[3] to Somerville, Massachusetts, near Boston, in 1911.

In 1922, Roselli committed a murder and fled to Chicago changing his name from Filippo Sacco to John Roselli. The new name was in honor of Italian Renaissance sculptor Cosimo Rosselli. He became a member of the Chicago Outfit and was known by his mob nickname of “Handsome Johnny.”

The exact date and reason for Roselli moving to Los Angeles is unknown. Some sources say that Al Capone or Frank Nitti sent him west to oversee the Outfit’s business interests such as the racing wire and movie extortion scheme. However, Roselli moved to Los Angeles in 1924,[4] before either Capone or Nitti became boss of the Chicago Outfit. He pleaded guilty to bootlegging beer in 1924 (then going by the name “James Roselli”).[5] Roselli began his California criminal career working with Los Angeles mobster Jack Dragna.

Roselli became close friends with film producer Bryan Foy, who brought Roselli into the movie business as a producer with Foy’s small production company, Eagle Lion Studios, where Roselli is credited on a number of early gangster movies as a producer. In the 1940s Roselli was involved in the Outfit’s multi-million dollar extortion campaign against the motion picture industry.


John Roselli (right) checks over a writ of habeas corpus with his lawyer, Frank DeSimone after Rosselli surrendered to U.S. Marshals in 1948.
In 1942, Roselli was indicted on federal labor racketeering charges along with George Brown, former president of the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees union, and Willie Bioff, labor racketeer and former pimp. On December 4, 1942 Roselli, a professed U.S. patriot, enlisted in the United States Army. He served as a private until he was arrested March 19, 1943.[6]

In 1943, after a year long trial on the racketeering charges, Roselli and several Chicago mobsters were convicted and sentenced to 10 years in prison. However, in 1947 they were paroled after serving only about three-and-a-half years. It was widely assumed that the Outfit’s political fixer, Murray “The Camel” Humphreys, used his influence with President Harry Truman’s Attorney General, Tom C. Clark, to spring Roselli and the other Outfit bosses from prison. After his release, Roselli returned to Hollywood in hopes of becoming a movie producer with Bryan Foy.

The extensive influence The Outfit had over Hollywood is best illustrated in 1948 when boss Tony Accardo told Roselli to force powerful Columbia Pictures president Harry Cohn into signing then-unknown actress Marilyn Monroe to a lucrative multi-year contract. The usually combative Cohn quickly complied without opposition, mainly because Cohn had obtained control of Columbia through mob funds and influence provided by both Accardo and Roselli.


In the mid 1950s, Roselli shifted his focus away from Hollywood and toward the fast-growing and highly profitable gambling mecca, Las Vegas, Nevada. By 1956, Roselli had become the Chicago and Los Angeles mob’s chief representative in Las Vegas. His job was to ensure that the Chicago mob bosses received their fair share of the burgeoning casino revenues through, “skimming.” However, according to the Los Angeles office of the FBI, Roselli was employed as a movie producer at Monogram Studios.[6]


After the Cuban Revolution in January 1959, Castro closed down all the mob casinos in Cuba and drove out the mobsters. Given that experience, Roselli, Chicago Outfit boss Sam Giancana and Tampa boss Santo Trafficante would be receptive to overtures on killing Castro.

In 1960, the CIA recruited ex-FBI agent Robert Maheu, who later became a proxy to billionaire Howard Hughes in Las Vegas, to approach Roselli. Maheu passed himself off as the representative of international corporations that wanted Castro killed because of their lost gambling operations. Roselli introduced Maheu to two men he referred to as “Sam Gold” plus “Joe.” “Sam Gold” was Giancana, “Joe” was Santo Trafficante, Jr., the Tampa, Florida boss and one of the most powerful mobsters in pre-revolution Cuba. The agency gave the mobsters six poison pills to murder Castro. For several months, anti-Castro Cubans tied to the Mafia tried unsuccessfully to put the pills into Castro’s food. In 1961, after the failed CIA-sponsored Bay of Pigs Invasion of Cuba, these assassination attempts, which included hit teams of snipers, trained on Roselli’s secret CIA base in the Florida Keys, continued with a vengeance, now with CIA legend William “Wild Bill” King Harvey, taking charge of Roselli’s efforts. Many researchers claim that because of the Kennedys’ obsession with getting Castro, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, though angry about the CIA’s use of one of his prime Mafia targets, chose to continue these efforts until the Cuban Missile Crisis in October, 1962.[citation needed]

The assassination attempts by Roselli were publicized in 1971 by Jack Anderson, a Washington Post reporter and acknowledged by the CIA in 2007 when it declassified the Family jewels documents.

In 1963, singer Frank Sinatra sponsored Roselli for membership in the exclusive Los Angeles Friar’s Club. Soon after his acceptance, Roselli discovered an elaborate card-cheating operation run by one of his Las Vegas friends, Maury Friedman and asked for his cut. The cheating was finally discovered in July 1967 by FBI agents tailing Roselli[6] Scores of wealthy men (including millionaire Harry Karl, the husband of actress Debbie Reynolds, plus actor Zeppo Marx) were bilked out of millions of dollars. Grant B. Cooper represented some of the defendants in the case, including Roselli. Roselli was eventually convicted and fined $55,000. During the trial, secret grand jury transcripts were discovered on the defense attorney’s table. Cooper eventually pled guilty to contempt for possessing the documents.[7]

In 1968, Roselli was tried and convicted of maintaining an illegal residence in the United States (he’d never acquired lawful US residence or citizenship) then was ordered deported to Italy by the Immigration and Naturalization Service. However, Italy refused to accept Roselli, so he remained in the United States.


On June 24 and September 22, 1975 Roselli testified before the 1975 U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCIA) led by Idaho Senator Frank Church about the CIA plan to kill Castro, Operation Mongoose. Shortly before Roselli testified, an unknown gunperson shot and killed Giancana in the basement of his Illinois home. This happened just days before Giancana was to testify before the committee. Giancana’s murder supposedly prompted Roselli (whose own power base disappeared with Giancana’s death) to permanently leave Los Angeles and Las Vegas for Miami, Florida.

On April 23, 1976 Roselli was called before the committee to testify about a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy.[6] Three months after his first round of testimony on the Kennedy assassination, the Committee wanted to recall Roselli. However, at this point, he had been missing since July 28. On August 3, Senator Howard Baker, a member of the new SSCIA, requested the FBI investigate Roselli’s disappearance.[6]


On August 9, Roselli’s decomposing body was found in a 55-gallon steel fuel drum floating in Dumfoundling Bay near Miami, Florida. Roselli had been strangled and shot, and his legs were sawn off. Some believed that boss Trafficante ordered Roselli’s death. According to this theory, Trafficante believed that Roselli had revealed too much about the Kennedy assassination and Castro murder plots during his Senate testimony, violating the strict Mafia code of omertà (silence).[8]

In 2010, Playboy magazine published an article by Hillel Levin in which Roselli was implicated in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy by William Robert Plumlee and James Files, an inmate within the Illinois Department of Corrections.[9]

New York mob boss Bill Bonanno claimed in his autobiography that while he was imprisoned with Roselli, he spoke to him about the Kennedy assassination. Roselli allegedly told Bonanno that he had fired a shot from a storm drain located on Elm Street in Dallas.[citation needed]

See also
Family jewels (CIA)
John F. Kennedy assassination conspiracy theories


1.^ (lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann) “CIA’s Family Jewels”.
3.^ a b FBI FOIA files John Roselli FBI Files
5.^ PROTECTION IN DRY CASE BOOSTS FINE. Defendant Refuses to Give Name of Beer Seller When Admitting Guilt. Los Angeles Times, July 8, 1924. Page A5, PART II
6.^ a b c d e FBI FOIA files John Roselli FBI Files.
7.^ “Sirhan’s Lawyer Pleads Guilty To Contempt in Cheating Trial”. The New York Times. August 26, 1969.
8.^ “Deep Six for Johnny”. Time Magazine. August 23, 1976.
9.^ Levin, Hillel (November 2010). “How the Outfit Killed JFK”. Playboy. Retrieved June 3, 2012.

Further reading
Charles Rappleye & Ed Becker, All American Mafioso: The Johnny Roselli Story; Barricade Books, Inc.; 1995 ISBN 1-56980-027-8
The James E. Files confession

External links
John Roselli at the Internet Movie Database
The CIA Family Jewels

CIA Is and always has been an arm of the Rothchilds _Kennedy Rejects CIA terrorist FALSE FLAG attack on American cities

Operation NorthwoodsFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Operation Northwoods memorandum (13 March 1962).[1]
Operation Northwoods was a series of false-flag proposals that originated in 1962 within the United States government, and which the Kennedy administration rejected. [2] The proposals called for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), or other operatives, to commit acts of terrorism in U.S. cities and elsewhere. These acts of terrorism were to be blamed on Cuba in order to create public support for a war against that nation, which had recently become communist under Fidel Castro.[3] One part of Operation Northwoods was to “develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.”

Operation Northwoods proposals included hijackings and bombings followed by the introduction of phony evidence that would implicate the Cuban government. It stated:

“The desired resultant from the execution of this plan would be to place the United States in the apparent position of suffering defensible grievances from a rash and irresponsible government of Cuba and to develop an international image of a Cuban threat to peace in the Western Hemisphere.”

Several other proposals were included within Operation Northwoods, including real or simulated actions against various U.S. military and civilian targets. The plan was drafted by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, signed by Chairman Lyman Lemnitzer and sent to the Secretary of Defense. Although part of the U.S. government’s Cuban Project anti-communist initiative, Operation Northwoods was never officially accepted; it was authorized by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, but then rejected by President John F. Kennedy.

According to currently released documentation, none of the operations became active under the auspices of the Operation Northwoods proposals.

[hide] 1 Origins and public release
2 Content
3 Related Operation Mongoose proposals
4 Reaction
5 See also
6 Further reading
7 References
8 External links

[edit] Origins and public release

The main proposal was presented in a document entitled “Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)”, a top secret collection of draft memoranda written by the Department of Defense (DoD) and the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS).[1] The document was presented by the Joint Chiefs of Staff to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara on 13 March 1962 as a preliminary submission for planning purposes. The Joint Chiefs of Staff recommended that both the covert and overt aspects of any such operation be assigned to them.

The previously secret document was originally made public on 18 November 1997, by the John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Review Board,[4] a U.S. federal agency overseeing the release of government records related to John F. Kennedy’s assassination.[5][6][7][8] A total 1521 pages of once-secret military records covering 1962 to 1964 were concomitantly declassified by said Review Board.

“Appendix to Enclosure A” and “Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A” of the Northwoods document were first published online by the National Security Archive on 6 November 1998 in a joint venture with CNN as part of CNN’s 1998 Cold War television documentary series[9][10]—specifically, as a documentation supplement to “Episode 10: Cuba,” which aired on 29 November 1998.[11][12] “Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A” is the section of the document which contains the proposals to stage terrorist attacks.

The Northwoods document was published online in a more complete form (i.e., including cover memoranda) by the National Security Archive on 30 April 2001.[13]

[edit] Content

In response to a request for pretexts for military intervention by the Chief of Operations of the Cuba Project, Brig. Gen. Edward Lansdale, the document listed methods, and outlined plans, that the authors believed would garner public and international support for U.S. military intervention in Cuba. According to Jacob Hornberger:

The plan called for U.S. personnel to disguise themselves as agents of the Cuban government and to engage in terrorist attacks on the U.S. base at Guantanamo Bay. It also called for terrorist attacks within the United States that would be conducted by pro-U.S. forces disguising themselves as Cuban agents.
One of the most fascinating aspects of Operation Northwoods involved the proposed hijacking of an American passenger plane. The JCS proposed that a real plane containing American passengers would be hijacked by friendly forces disguised as Cuban agents. The plane would drop down off the radar screen and be replaced by a pilotless aircraft, which would crash, purportedly killing all the passengers. Under the plan, the real passenger plane would be secretly flown back to the United States.[14]

More specifically, the plan called for the following:

1.Since it would seem desirable to use legitimate provocation as the basis for US military intervention in Cuba a cover and deception plan, to include requisite preliminary actions such as has been developed in response to Task 33 c, could be executed as an initial effort to provoke Cuban reactions. Harassment plus deceptive actions to convince the Cubans of imminent invasion would be emphasized. Our military posture throughout execution of the plan will allow a rapid change from exercise to intervention if Cuban response justifies.
2.A series of well coordinated incidents will be planned to take place in and around Guantanamo to give genuine appearance of being done by hostile Cuban forces. a. Incidents to establish a credible attack (not in chronological order): 1.Start rumors (many). Use clandestine radio.
2.Land friendly Cubans in uniform “over-the-fence” to stage attack on base.
3.Capture Cuban (friendly) saboteurs inside the base.
4.Start riots near the base main gate (friendly Cubans).[15]
5.Blow up ammunition inside the base; start fires.
6.Burn aircraft on air base (sabotage).
7.Lob mortar shells from outside of base into base. Some damage to installations.
8.Capture assault teams approaching from the sea or vicinity of Guantanamo City.
9.Capture militia group which storms the base.
10.Sabotage ship in harbor; large fires—napthalene.
11.Sink ship near harbor entrance. Conduct funerals for mock-victims (may be in lieu of (10)).
b. United States would respond by executing offensive operations to secure water and power supplies, destroying artillery and mortar emplacements which threaten the base. c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3.A “Remember the Maine” incident could be arranged in several forms: a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba. b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire. The US could follow up with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to “evacuate” remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
4.We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.[16]
The terror campaign could be pointed at refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement, also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.
5.A “Cuban-based, Castro-supported” filibuster could be simulated against a neighboring Caribbean nation (in the vein of the 14 June invasion of the Dominican Republic). We know that Castro is backing subversive efforts clandestinely against Haiti, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, and Nicaragua at present and possible others. These efforts can be magnified and additional ones contrived for exposure. For example, advantage can be taken of the sensitivity of the Dominican Air Force to intrusions within their national air space. “Cuban” B-26 or C-46 type aircraft could make cane-burning raids at night. Soviet Bloc incendiaries could be found. This could be coupled with “Cuban” messages to the Communist underground in the Dominican Republic and “Cuban” shipments of arm which would be found, or intercepted, on the beach.
6.Use of MIG type aircraft by US pilots could provide additional provocation. Harassment of civil air, attacks on surface shipping and destruction of US military drone aircraft by MIG type planes would be useful as complementary actions. An F-86 properly painted would convince air passengers that they saw a Cuban MIG, especially if the pilot of the transport were to announce such fact. The primary drawback to this suggestion appears to be the security risk inherent in obtaining or modifying an aircraft. However, reasonable copies of the MIG could be produced from US resources in about three months.[17]
7.Hijacking attempts against civil air and surface craft should appear to continue as harassing measures condoned by the government of Cuba. Concurrently, genuine defections of Cuban civil and military air and surface craft should be encouraged.
8.It is possible to create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civil airliner en route from the United States to Jamaica, Guatemala, Panama or Venezuela. The destination would be chosen only to cause the flight plan route to cross Cuba. The passengers could be a group of college students off on a holiday or any grouping of persons with a common interest to support chartering a non-scheduled flight. a. An aircraft at Eglin AFB would be painted and numbered as an exact duplicate for a civil registered aircraft belonging to a CIA proprietary organization in the Miami area. At a designated time the duplicate would be substituted for the actual civil aircraft and would be loaded with the selected passengers, all boarded under carefully prepared aliases. The actual registered aircraft would be converted to a drone. b. Take off times of the drone aircraft and the actual aircraft will be scheduled to allow a rendezvous south of Florida. From the rendezvous point the passenger-carrying aircraft will descend to minimum altitude and go directly into an auxiliary field at Eglin AFB where arrangements will have been made to evacuate the passengers and return the aircraft to its original status. The drone aircraft meanwhile will continue to fly the filed flight plan. When over Cuba the drone will begin transmitting on the international distress frequency a “MAY DAY” message stating he is under attack by Cuban MIG aircraft. The transmission will be interrupted by destruction of the aircraft which will be triggered by radio signal. This will allow ICAO radio[18] stations in the Western Hemisphere to tell the US what has happened to the aircraft instead of the US trying to “sell” the incident.
9.It is possible to create an incident which will make it appear that Communist Cuban MIGs have destroyed a USAF aircraft over international waters in an unprovoked attack. a. Approximately 4 or 5 F-101 aircraft will be dispatched in trail from Homestead AFB, Florida, to the vicinity of Cuba. Their mission will be to reverse course and simulate fakir aircraft for an air defense exercise in southern Florida. These aircraft would conduct variations of these flights at frequent Intervals. Crews would be briefed to remain at least 12 miles off the Cuban coast; however, they would be required to carry live ammunition in the event that hostile actions were taken by the Cuban MIGs. b. On one such flight, a pre-briefed pilot would fly tail-end Charley at considerable interval between aircraft. While near the Cuban Island this pilot would broadcast that he had been jumped by MIGs and was going down. No other calls would be made. The pilot would then fly directly west at extremely low altitude and land at a secure base, an Eglin auxiliary. The aircraft would be met by the proper people, quickly stored and given a new tail number. The pilot who had performed the mission under an alias, would resume his proper identity and return to his normal place of business. The pilot and aircraft would then have disappeared. c. At precisely the same time that the aircraft was presumably shot down, a submarine or small surface craft would disburse F-101 parts, parachute, etc., at approximately 15 to 20 miles off the Cuban coast and depart. The pilots returning to Homestead would have a true story as far as they knew. Search ships and aircraft could be dispatched and parts of aircraft found.[19]

James Bamford wrote on Northwoods:

Operation Northwoods, which had the written approval of the Chairman and every member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, called for innocent people to be shot on American streets; for boats carrying refugees fleeing Cuba to be sunk on the high seas; for a wave of violent terrorism to be launched in Washington, D.C., Miami, and elsewhere. People would be framed for bombings they did not commit; planes would be hijacked. Using phony evidence, all of it would be blamed on Castro, thus giving Lemnitzer and his cabal the excuse, as well as the public and international backing, they needed to launch their war.[20]

[edit] Related Operation Mongoose proposals

In addition to Operation Northwoods, under the Operation Mongoose program the U.S. Department of Defense had a number of similar proposals to be taken against the Cuban regime of Fidel Castro.

Twelve of these proposals come from a 2 February 1962 memorandum entitled “Possible Actions to Provoke, Harass or Disrupt Cuba,” written by Brig. Gen. William H. Craig and submitted to Brig. Gen. Edward Lansdale, the commander of the Operation Mongoose project.[7][8]

The memorandum outlines Operation Bingo, a plan to; “create an incident which has the appearance of an attack on U.S. facilities (GMO) in Cuba, thus providing an excuse for use of U.S. military might to overthrow the current government of Cuba.”

It also includes Operation Dirty Trick, a plot to blame Castro if the 1962 Mercury manned space flight carrying John Glenn crashed, saying: “The objective is to provide irrevocable proof that, should the MERCURY manned orbit flight fail, the fault lies with the Communists et al. Cuba [sic].” It continues, “This to be accomplished by manufacturing various pieces of evidence which would prove electronic interference on the part of the Cubans.”

Even after General Lemnitzer lost his job as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Joint Chiefs of Staff still planned false-flag pretext operations at least into 1963. A different U.S. Department of Defense policy paper created in 1963 discussed a plan to make it appear that Cuba had attacked a member of the Organization of American States (OAS) so that the United States could retaliate. The U.S. Department of Defense document says of one of the scenarios, “A contrived ‘Cuban’ attack on an OAS member could be set up, and the attacked state could be urged to take measures of self-defense and request assistance from the U.S. and OAS.”

The plan expressed confidence that by this action, “the U.S. could almost certainly obtain the necessary two-thirds support among OAS members for collective action against Cuba.”[20][21]

Included in the nations the Joint Chiefs suggested as targets for covert attacks were Jamaica and Trinidad-Tobago. Since both were members of the British Commonwealth, the Joint Chiefs hoped that by secretly attacking them and then falsely blaming Cuba, the United States could incite the people of the United Kingdom into supporting a war against Castro.[20] As the U.S. Department of Defense report noted:

Any of the contrived situations described above are inherently, extremely risky in our democratic system in which security can be maintained, after the fact, with very great difficulty. If the decision should be made to set up a contrived situation it should be one in which participation by U.S. personnel is limited only to the most highly trusted covert personnel. This suggests the infeasibility of the use of military units for any aspect of the contrived situation.”[20]

The U.S. Department of Defense report even suggested covertly paying a person in the Castro government to attack the United States: “The only area remaining for consideration then would be to bribe one of Castro’s subordinate commanders to initiate an attack on [the U.S. Navy base at] Guantanamo.”[20]

[edit] Reaction

The continuing push against the Cuban government by internal elements of the U.S. military and intelligence communities (the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Cuban Project, etc.) had already prompted President John F. Kennedy to attempt to rein in burgeoning hardline anti-Communist sentiment that was intent on proactive, aggressive action against communist movements around the globe. After the Bay of Pigs, Kennedy had fired CIA director Allen W. Dulles, Deputy Director Charles P. Cabell, and Deputy Director Richard Bissell, and turned his attention towards Vietnam. Kennedy had also stripped the CIA of responsibility for paramilitary operations like the Bay of Pigs and turned them over to the U.S. Department of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, which, as Commander in Chief, Kennedy could more directly control. Personally, Kennedy expressed outrage to many of his associates about the CIA’s growing influence on civilians and government inside America[citation needed], and his attempt to curtail the CIA’s extensive Cold War and paramilitary operations was a direct expression of this concern.

Kennedy personally rejected the Northwoods proposal, and it would now be the Joint Chiefs’ turn to incur his displeasure. A JCS/Pentagon document (Ed Lansdale memo) dated 16 March 1962 titled MEETING WITH THE PRESIDENT, 16 MARCH 1962 reads: “General Lemnitzer commented that the military had contingency plans for US intervention. Also it had plans for creating plausible pretexts to use force, with the pretext either attacks on US aircraft or a Cuban action in Latin America for which we could retaliate. The President said bluntly that we were not discussing the use of military force, that General Lemnitzer might find the U.S so engaged in Berlin or elsewhere that he couldn’t use the contemplated 4 divisions in Cuba.”[22] The proposal was sent for approval to the Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, but was not implemented.

(Some fifty years later when asked about the plot by journalist David Talbot, Robert McNamara drew a blank. “I have absolutely zero recollection of it. But I sure as hell would have rejected it,” McNamara said, adding, “I really can’t believe that anyone was proposing such provocative acts in Miami. How stupid!” [23])

Following presentation of the Northwoods plan, Kennedy removed Lemnitzer as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, although he became Supreme Allied Commander of NATO in January 1963. American armed forces leaders began to perceive Kennedy as going soft on Cuba, and the President became increasingly unpopular with the military, a rift that came to a head during Kennedy’s disagreements with the service chiefs over the Cuban Missile Crisis.

On 3 August 2001, the National Assembly of People’s Power of Cuba (the main legislative body of the Republic of Cuba) issued a statement referring to Operation Northwoods and Operation Mongoose wherein it condemned such U.S. government plans.[24]

[edit] See also

Cuba portal

False flag
Bay of Pigs Invasion
Body of Secrets
CIA Family Jewels
Cuba – United States relations
Operation WASHTUB
Proactive, Preemptive Operations Group
Operation Gladio
Gleiwitz incident
Shelling of Mainila
Lavon Affair

[edit] Further reading
Jon Elliston, editor, Psywar on Cuba: The Declassified History of U.S. Anti-Castro Propaganda (Melbourne, Australia and New York: Ocean Press, 1999), ISBN 1-876175-09-5.
James Bamford, Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency From the Cold War Through the Dawn of a New Century (New York: Doubleday, first edition, 24 April 2001), ISBN 0-385-49907-8. Here is an excerpt from Chapter 4: “Fists” of this book.

[edit] References

1.^ a b U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, “Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)”, U.S. Department of Defense, 13 March 1962. The Operation Northwoods document in PDF format on the website of the independent, non-governmental research institute the National Security Archive at the George Washington University Gelman Library, Washington, D.C. Direct PDF links: here and here.
2.^ Ruppe, David (May 1, 2001). “U.S. Military Wanted to Provoke War With Cuba”. ABC News. Retrieved January 21, 2012.
3.^ Zaitchik, Alexander (3 March 2011) Meet Alex Jones, Rolling Stone
4.^ “The Records of the Assassination Records Review Board,” National Archives and Records Administration.
5.^ “Media Advisory: National Archives Releases Additional Materials Reviewed by the Assassination Records Review Board,” Assassination Records Review Board (a division of the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration), 17 November 1997. A U.S. government press-release announcing the declassification of some 1500 pages of U.S. government documents from 1962–64 relating to U.S. policy towards Cuba, among which declassified documents included the Operation Northwoods document.
6.^ Jim Wolf, “Pentagon Planned 1960s Cuban ‘Terror Campaign’,” Reuters, 18 November 1997.
7.^ a b Mike Feinsilber, “At a tense time, plots abounded to humiliate Castro,” Associated Press (AP), 18 November 1997; also available here.
8.^ a b Tim Weiner, “Documents Show Pentagon’s Anti-Castro Plots During Kennedy Years,” New York Times, 19 November 1997; appeared on the same date and by the same author in the New York Times itself as “Declassified Papers Show Anti-Castro Ideas Proposed to Kennedy,” late edition—final, section A, pg. 25, column 1.
9.^ “National Security Archive: COLD WAR: Documents,” National Security Archive, 27 September 1998 – 24 January 1999.
10.^ U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, “Appendix to Enclosure A: Memorandum for Chief of Operations, Cuba Project” and “Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A: Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba,” U.S. Department of Defense, circa March 1962. First published online by the National Security Archive on 6 November 1998, as part of CNN’s Cold War documentary series. “Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A” is the section of the Operation Northwoods document which contains the proposals to stage terrorist attacks.
11.^ “Episode 10: Cuba; Cuba: 1959–1968,” CNN (Cable News Network LP, LLLP).
12.^ “Cold War Teacher Materials: Episodes,” and “Educator Guide to CNN’s COLD WAR Episode 10: Cuba,” Turner Learning (Turner Broadcasting System, Inc.).
13.^ “Pentagon Proposed Pretexts for Cuba Invasion in 1962,” National Security Archive, 30 April 2001.
14.^ Hornberger, Jacob (2011-02-24) Don’t Northwoods Iran, Future of Freedom Foundation
15.^ Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A: Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba, p7,, accessed 3 September 2009
16.^ Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A: Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba, p8,, accessed 3 September 2009
17.^ Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A: Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba, p9,, accessed 3 September 2009
18.^ Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A: Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba, p10,, accessed 3 September 2009
19.^ Annex to Appendix to Enclosure A: Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba, p11,, accessed 3 September 2009
20.^ a b c d e Bamford , James (2002). Body of secrets: anatomy of the ultra-secret National Security Agency. Random House. p. 82. ISBN 978-0-385-49908-8.
21.^ Mike Feinsilber, “Records Show Plan To Provoke Castro,” Associated Press (AP), 29 January 1998.
22.^ Lansdale Memo of 16 Mar 1962. This memo records a high-level meeting in the White House 3 days after McNamara was presented with Operation Northwoods. [1]
23.^ Brothers by David Talbot.
24.^ “Statement by the National Assembly of People’s Power of the Republic of Cuba,” National Assembly of People’s Power of Cuba, 3 August 2001; also available here.

[edit] External links

See the above “References” section for documents cited in the body of this article.
The Full Operation Northwoods document in both JPEG and fully searchable HTML format.
High resolution scans from the National Archives, main pages: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
Scott Shane and Tom Bowman with contribution from Laura Sullivan, “New book on NSA sheds light on secrets: U.S. terror plan was Cuba invasion pretext,” Baltimore Sun, 24 April 2001.
Ron Kampeas, “Memo: U.S. Mulled Fake Cuba Pretext,” Associated Press (AP), 25 April 2001.
Bruce Schneier, “‘Body of Secrets’ by James Bamford: The author of a pioneering work on the NSA delivers a new book of revelations about the mysterious agency’s coverups, eavesdropping and secret missions,”, 25 April 2001.
David Ruppe, “U.S. Military Wanted to Provoke War With Cuba; Book: U.S. Military Drafted Plans to Terrorize U.S. Cities to Provoke War With Cuba,” ABC News, 1 May 2001.
“The Truth Is Out There—1962 memo from National Security Agency,” Harper’s Magazine, July 2001.
Chris Floyd, “Head Cases,” Moscow Times, 21 December 2001, pg. VIII; also appeared in St. Petersburg Times, Issue 733 (100), 25 December 2001.

Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961_listen again!

Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961

Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040

My fellow Americans:

Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.

This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.

Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.

Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.

My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.

In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.


We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America’s leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.


Throughout America’s adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.

Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology — global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger is poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle — with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.


Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research — these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.

But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs — balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage — balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.

The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.


A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.

Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.

Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence — economic, political, even spiritual — is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the militaryindustrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.

We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.

Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.

In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.

Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.

The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present
•and is gravely to be regarded.

Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientifictechnological elite.

It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system — ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.


Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society’s future, we — you and I, and our government — must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.


Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.

Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.

Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war — as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years — I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.


So — in this my last good night to you as your President — I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.

You and I — my fellow citizens — need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation’s great goals.

To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America’s prayerful and continuing aspiration:

We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.


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NWO Totalitarianism Loses Major Battle: Federal Judge Permanently Blocks John McCain’s NDAA Military Detention Provision!

Federal Judge Katherine Forrest has ruled against President Obama’s NDAA appeal issuing permanent injunction against the indefinite detention of U.S. citizens without trial.


IF YOU LIVE IN ONE OF THESE STATES YOU NEED TO GET BUSY AND DEFEAT THESE TRAITORS!!!!DEADBEAT SENATORS Who Insisted On Removing U.S. Citizens Miranda Rights And Detaining Them In Prison Indefinitely!
Alexander (R-TN)
Ayotte (R-NH)
Barrasso (R-WY)
Begich (D-AK)
Blunt (R-MO)
Boozman (R-AR)
Brown (R-MA)
Burr (R-NC)
Casey (D-PA)
Chambliss (R-GA)
Coats (R-IN)
Coburn (R-OK)
Cochran (R-MS)
Collins (R-ME)
Corker (R-TN)
Cornyn (R-TX)
Crapo (R-ID)
DeMint (R-SC)
Enzi (R-WY)

Graham (R-SC)
Grassley (R-IA)
Hatch (R-UT)
Heller (R-NV)
Hoeven (R-ND)
Hutchison (R-TX)
Inhofe (R-OK)
Inouye (D-HI)
Isakson (R-GA)
Johanns (R-NE)
Johnson (R-WI)
Kyl (R-AZ)
Landrieu (D-LA)
Levin (D-MI)
Lieberman (ID-CT)
Lugar (R-IN)
Manchin (D-WV)
McCaskill (D-MO)

McConnell (R-KY)
Moran (R-KS)
Murkowski (R-AK)
Nelson (D-NE)
Portman (R-OH)
Pryor (D-AR)
Risch (R-ID)
Roberts (R-KS)
Rubio (R-FL)
Sessions (R-AL)
Shelby (R-AL)
Snowe (R-ME)
Stabenow (D-MI)
Thune (R-SD)
Toomey (R-PA)
Vitter (R-LA)
Wicker (R-MS)

After a long fought legal battle Americans have won a major battle against one of the most totalitarian NWO pieces of legislation in the history of the United States.

The legislation formally known as the National Defense Authorization Action has several constitutional trampling provisions.

The most outrageous of those provisions allowed the United States government to place U.S. citizens in jail indefinitely without ever filing charges, providing access to a lawyer or even allowing those thrown in CIA torture prisons the opportunity to defend themselves against the allegations they are being detained.

That section of the NDAA has now been permanently blocked after a federal judge issued a final injunction banning the used of the indefinite detention provision in the so-called “homeland battlefield” bill.

The authority to do so was given because the bill gives the President the authority to conduct military operations in any country in the world, including inside the United States, to fight the so-called war on terror with the need for congressional approval to do so which is effectively a suspension of Posse Comitatus.

Back in January Journalist Chris Hedges filed a lawsuit against the Obama administration to fight the totalitarian powers given in the declaration of World War 3 known as the NDAA.

Given the fact the bill presented a clear and present danger to the US Constitution Hedges was joined by a coalition of activists and journalist.

Those journalist filed shocking briefs in the lawsuit detailing how the NDAA was being using to silence political dissent and journalism critical of the US government.

Per standard procedure the corporate media remained silent after not being given a press release from the government to parrot as the case went to trial.

Instead the Pentagon simply engaged in a psychological warfare operation on the internet which was the only place the lawsuit was being discussed which attempt to discredit proponents of the lawsuits as wing nut conspiracy theorists.

After the case was heard Obama revealed in court those conspiracy theorists were right and Obama planned on using the NDAA in the exact manner patriotic Americans feared it would be used – to detain American citizens in military detention indefinitely without charge or a trial.

As such US Judge Katherine Forrest ruled the NDAA provisions unconstitutionall and issued a temporary injunction prohibiting the use of NDAA military detention against American citizens.

Obama then openly defied the ruling claiming the ban on NDAA detention applied only to the plaintiff’s in the lawsuit.

Judge Forrest then issued another ruling clarifying the protection applies to all US citizens pending a final ruling.

Judge Forest even issued a follow-up warning stating she would find the Obama administration in contempt it had not complied with her previous ruling.

Obama appealed and fought back every step of the way failing to provide legal arguments beyond the vectors of national security secrecy and executive primacy in regard to foreign policy.

At the same time Obama refused to even assert that journalists would not be subject to the NDAA simply for their reporting while also refusing to define what actions constituted providing direct or indirect support for associated forces or who those associated forces were.

Obama appealed claiming the government had the right to determine as they see fit without judicial oversight while working under the cover of secrecy granted by national security through which the government could pick and choose U.S. citizens to detain without trial.

As Zero Hedge reports Obama’s appeals simply didn’t hold muster and as such Judge Forrest has issued a permanent injunction against the provision:

Back in January, Pulitzer winning journalist Chris Hedges sued President Obama and the recently passed National Defense Authorization Act, specifically challenging the legality of the Authorization for Use of Military Force or, the provision that authorizes military detention for people deemed to have “substantially supported” al Qaeda, the Taliban or “associated forces.” Hedges called the president’s action allowing indefinite detention, which was signed into law with little opposition fromeither party “unforgivable, unconstitutional and exceedingly dangerous.” He attacked point blank the civil rights farce that is the neverending “war on terror” conducted by both parties, targetting whom exactly is unclear, but certainly attaining ever more intense retaliation from foreigners such as the furious attacks against the US consulates in Egypt and Libya. He asked “why do U.S. citizens now need to be specifically singled out for military detention and denial of due process when under the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force the president can apparently find the legal cover to serve as judge, jury and executioner to assassinate U.S. citizens.” A few months later, in May, U.S. District Judge Katherine Forrest ruled in favor of a temporary injunction blocking the enforcement of the authorization for military detention. Today, the war againt the true totalitarianterror won a decisive battle, when in a 112-opinion, Judge Forrest turned the temporary injunction, following an appeal by the totalitarian government from August 6, into a permanent one.

From Reuters:

The permanent injunction prevents the U.S. government from enforcing a portion of Section 1021 of the National Defense Authorization Act’s “Homeland Battlefield” provisions.

The opinion stems from a January lawsuit filed by former New York Times war correspondent and Pulitzer Prize winner Chris Hedges and others. The plaintiffs said they had no assurance that their writing and advocacy activities would not fall under the scope of the provision.

Government attorneys argued that the executive branch is entitled to latitude when it comes to cases of national security and that the law is neither too broad nor overly vague.

“This court does not disagree with the principle that the president has primacy in foreign affairs,” the judge said, but that she was not convinced by government arguments.

“The government has not stated that such conduct – which, by analogy, covers any writing, journalistic and associational activities that involve al Qaeda, the Taliban or whomever is deemed “associated forces” – does not fall within § 1021(b)(2).”

What is ironic, is that in the ongoing absolute farce that is the theatrical presidential debate, there hasn’t been one word uttered discussing precisely the kind of creeping totalitarian control, and Orwellian loss of constitutional rights, that the biparty-supported NDAA would have demanded out of the US republic. Why? Chris Hedges said it best:

The oddest part of this legislation is that the FBI, the CIA, the director of national intelligence, the Pentagon and the attorney general didn’t support it. FBI Director Robert Mueller said he feared the bill would actually impede the bureau’s ability to investigate terrorism because it would be harder to win cooperation from suspects held by the military. “The possibility looms that we will lose opportunities to obtain cooperation from the persons in the past that we’ve been fairly successful in gaining,” he told Congress.

But it passed anyway. And I suspect it passed because the corporations, seeing the unrest in the streets, knowing that things are about to get much worse, worrying that the Occupy movement will expand, do not trust the police to protect them. They want to be able to call in the Army. And now they can.

He is 100% correct, and today, if it weren’t for his lawsuit, the saying that someone, somewhere in the world might possibly “hate America for its liberties” would have been the biggest lie conceivable.

Also, the total fascist takeover of America would now have been a fact.

Some other insights from Hedges, who explained back in January, just why he is suing Barack Obama:

This demented “war on terror” is as undefined and vague as such a conflict is in any totalitarian state. Dissent is increasingly equated in this country with treason. Enemies supposedly lurk in every organization that does not chant the patriotic mantras provided to it by the state. And this bill feeds a mounting state paranoia. It expands our permanent war to every spot on the globe. It erases fundamental constitutional liberties. It means we can no longer use the word “democracy” to describe our political system.

The supine and gutless Democratic Party, which would have feigned outrage if George W. Bush had put this into law, appears willing, once again, to grant Obama a pass. But I won’t. What he has done is unforgivable, unconstitutional and exceedingly dangerous. The threat and reach of al-Qaida—which I spent a year covering for The New York Times in Europe and the Middle East—are marginal, despite the attacks of 9/11. The terrorist group poses no existential threat to the nation. It has been so disrupted and broken that it can barely function. Osama bin Laden was gunned down by commandos and his body dumped into the sea. Even the Pentagon says the organization is crippled. So why, a decade after the start of the so-called war on terror, do these draconian measures need to be implemented? Why do U.S. citizens now need to be specifically singled out for military detention and denial of due process when under the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force the president can apparently find the legal cover to serve as judge, jury and executioner to assassinate U.S. citizens, as he did in the killing of the cleric Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen? Why is this bill necessary when the government routinely ignores our Fifth Amendment rights—“No person shall be deprived of life without due process of law”—as well as our First Amendment right of free speech? How much more power do they need to fight “terrorism”?

Fear is the psychological weapon of choice for totalitarian systems of power. Make the people afraid. Get them to surrender their rights in the name of national security. And then finish off the few who aren’t afraid enough. If this law is not revoked we will be no different from any sordid military dictatorship. Its implementation will be a huge leap forward for the corporate oligarchs who plan to continue to plunder the nation and use state and military security to cow the population into submission.

Source:Zero Hedge

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What’s it going to be the NUKES or All of US!?

Repost from David Swanson

President Jimmy Carter’s National Security Advisor was about to wake him up in the middle of the night to inform the President that 220 Soviet nuclear missiles were headed our way, when he learned that someone had stuck a game tape into the computer by mistake.

Three years later a Soviet Lieutenant Colonel acted out the same scene, with the computer glitch on his side this time. Then in 1984 another U.S. computer glitch led to the quick decision to park an armored car on top of a missile silo to prevent the start of the apocalypse. And again in 1995, the Soviet Union almost responded to a U.S. nuclear attack that proved to be a real missile, but one with a weather satellite rather than a nuke. One Pentagon report documents 563 nuclear mistakes, malfunctions, and false alarms over the years — so far.

Then there are the accidents, of all variety. Nuclear submarines of the sort now looking for trouble in the Persian Gulf have been known to collide with other ships. At least eight nuclear submarines (one French, two American, and five Russian) are known to be rotting at the bottom of the sea, leaking uranium and plutonium. In 2003 the U.S.S. Hartford, a nuclear powered submarine, hit a rock on a tiny island north of Sardinia. The area is now highly radioactive.

In 1961 a U.S. B-52 with two nukes on board blew up over Faro, North Carolina. One of the bombs, with a parachute to slow it down, was found. Five of the six fuses designed to prevent full nuclear detonation had failed. The other nuclear bomb buried itself 20 feet deep in the ground, lighting up the sky like daylight. The military deemed that one hard to dig out, and left it there. And there it sits. This little mishap involved bombs that were each 250 times the power of the Hiroshima bomb. The commander of the Explosive Ordnance Disposal Team, Lt. Jack B. ReVelle, remarked, “How close was it to exploding? My opinion is damn close. You might now have a very large Bay of North Carolina if that thing had gone off.”

In 1956, a B-47 carried two nuclear capsules from MacDill Air Force Base in Florida, headed to a refueling over the Mediterranean, but never arrived and was never found. In 1958, a B-47 crashed into an F-86 during a combat simulation off the coast of Georgia, near Savannah. A nuclear weapon was jettisoned over water and never found.

On January 17, 1966, a U.S. B-52 carrying four live hydrogen bombs smashed into a tanker during midair refueling over Spain. Two of the bombs were blown apart like dirty bombs scattering radioactive particles all over Palomares, Spain. The United States dug up 1,400 tons of radioactive Spanish dirt and took it to Aiken, South Carolina., where the Savannah River Site has been producing nuclear weapons material, trying to dispose of the waste, and radiating people for over half a century, and where radiation was even recently detected coming all the way from the nuclear disaster in Fukushima, Japan.

This was just after the U.S.S. Ticonderoga sailed from Vietnam to Japan with a nuclear-armed airplane on board and accidentally dropped the plane, complete with nuclear bomb and pilot, to the bottom of the ocean, where they remain.

Then, in 1968, another U.S. B-52 with four nukes on it crashed in Greenland. Three of the bombs exploded, while the fourth has yet to be found. It’s among 11 nuclear bombs the United States admits to having lost over the years. That’s not counting the ones it’s temporarily lost and recovered. In August 2007, a U.S. crew accidentally (or as part of a secret plan; and I’m not sure which is worse) flew six live nuclear bombs from North Dakota to Louisiana and left them sitting there unguarded until the ground crew noticed.

Oh, and if you doubt that these people will arm unmanned drones with nukes just because the drones tend to crash and malfunction, you haven’t yet begun to grasp the sort of madness we’re dealing with.

The really good news is that more and more nations have nuclear weapons, and even more have nuclear power, which puts them close to having nuclear weapons. The thing to remember about every one of these nations, is that they screw up too, through bad luck, stupidity, rage, or madness. Baharul Haq was an Air Vice Marshall in Pakistan involved in security for Kahuta, Pakistan’s main nuclear weapons facility. Later, his son, Faisal Shahzad, claiming the motivation of outrage at U.S. drone killings, tried to blow up a bomb in Times Square, New York. What if Faisal and his father had been on closer terms? Should the fate of New Yorkers really have to depend on such luck?

Nuclear weapons testing on the Marshall Islands produced babies born looking like jelly fish. Nuclear weapons use on Hiroshima and Nagasaki killed like nothing had ever killed before. On October 22, 1964, and again two years later, the U.S. government exploded nuclear bombs underground in Mississippi, and then put up a sign asking people not to dig in the area. Uranium mining of the sort the profiteers now want to reopen in Virginia has spread cancer through every community it’s touched. And the use of depleted uranium weapons has likely contributed to thousands of deaths and birth-defects in the former Yugoslavia, Iraq, and among members of the U.S. military and their families, not to mention the weapons’ producers in places like Jonesborough, Tennessee. The United States has also sold DU weapons to 29 other countries.

What Are You Going to Do About It?

There are three barriers to ridding the world of nuclear weapons. First, our governments don’t represent us and will have to be compelled to act when and if we get our act together.

Second, people imagine we’re safer spreading nukes around the globe by the thousands than we would be eliminating them while a few rogue non-state terrorists hang onto some. This is crazy, of course. An arsenal of nukes doesn’t discourage a terrorist. Nor can it discourage a state any more than can the non-nuclear weapons capable of complete devastation.

Third, people fantasize that there are advantages to nuclear energy that outweigh the problem of its technological vicinity to nuclear weaponry. There are not. Nuclear energy barely reproduces the amount of energy it takes to build and operate the plants; the waste materials cannot be put anywhere safe for 250,000 years; and the inevitable accidents pose such a risk that no private “free-market” insurance company will take it on — only taxpayers’ misrepresentatives in government are willing to pick up the tab. Nuclear energy is how India, Pakistan, Israel, and North Korea got nuclear weapons. It’s also Israel’s and the United States’ excuse for threatening Iran. Uranium radioactive waste is among the horrible things being dumped by the West off the lawless coast of Somalia. The results of such dumping include attacks on Western ships by angry “pirates.” The pirates are generally explained to be hating us for our freedom.

Congressman Dennis Kucinich is hosting a Congressional briefing, Thursday, September 20, 2012, on the medical effects of radiation exposure, and the health threats presented by our nation’s nuclear power plants, nuclear fleet, and the on-going tragedy in Fukushima, Japan. There will be expert testimony from Physicians for Social Responsibility and others. Ask your senators and representative to attend.

The ongoing nuclear disaster in Japan has displaced hundreds of thousands of people. Prior to this disaster, the regulators in Japan said they had all possible safety measures in place. Our Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) has said the same thing about our 104 aging nuclear power plants, 23 of which have the same flawed design as in Fukushima.

Nuclear disasters are not unique to Japan. Chernobyl killed and sickened many, as did Three Mile Island on a smaller scale. A nuclear plant in Virginia was damaged by an earthquake last year.

If you’re in the Washington, D.C., area, the Coalition Against Nukes invites you to a series of events September 20-22, including a Capitol Hill rally, the Congressional briefing, a fundraiser at Busboys and Poets, a ceremony at the Museum of the American Indian, a rally at the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, a film screening, and a strategy session.

The nukes have got to go, or we do. This planet’s not big enough for both.

David Swanson’s books include “War Is A Lie.” He blogs at and and works as Campaign Coordinator for the online activist organization He hosts Talk Nation Radio. Follow him on Twitter: @davidcnswanson and FaceBook.